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This article aims to shed light on some core challenges of liberating social criticism. Its centerpiece is an intuitively attractive account of the nature and difficulty of critical social thought that nevertheless goes missing in many philosophical conversations about critique. This omission at bottom reflects the fact that the account presupposes a philosophically contentious conception of rationality. Yet the relevant conception of rationality does in fact inform influential philosophical treatments of social criticism, including, very prominently, a left Hegelian strand of thinking within contemporary Critical Theory. Moreover, it is possible to mount a defense of the conception by reconstructing, if with various qualifications and additions, an argument from classic—i.e., mid twentieth-century—Anglo-American philosophy of the social sciences, in particular, the argument that forms the backbone of Peter Winch’s The Idea of a Social Science. Winch draws his guiding insights from the later philosophy of Wittgenstein, and one of the payoffs of considering Winch’s Wittgenstein-inspired work against the backdrop of Hegel-inspired work in Critical Theory is to contest the artificial professional strictures that are sometimes taken to speak against reaching across the so-called ‘Continental Divide’ in philosophy. The larger payoff is advancing, by means of this philosophically ecumenical approach, the enterprise of liberating social thought.
The tendency to apply media in regional studies for students of German as a foreign language (Deutsch als Fremdsprache, DaF) is no longer a novelty. Thus, we see media applied as such in multiple different forms, like videos, press releases, radio segments or online statements. This contribution is focused on the radio interview, as a constitutive part of the regional studies’ courses for DaF students of Germanistik in Romania. As a starting point serves the assumption, that the application of visual media can be enhanced through dialogue sequences, which further highlight the subject of the course. Through chosen interviews, that have been aired by the state channels, students can become familiar with such issues, that affect the German minority in Romania. The authenticity that is being sought for, will result from the primary situation of the interviewer and the interviewee communicating, as well as through the utilization of Rumäniendeutsch as the standard language of the German minority, living in Romania. Thus can cultural, social, historical and linguistic phenomena that are specific for the local German speaking population and that are (re)constructing the cultural inheritance of Germans in Romania, be regarded in greater detail.
Der Einfluss extremistischer Gewaltereignisse auf das Framing von Extremismen auf SPIEGEL Online
(2020)
In diesem Beitrag untersuchen wir die Darstellung von Rechtsextremismus, Linksextremismus und Islamismus im medialen Diskurs am Beispiel von SPIEGEL Online, einem der deutschen Leitmedien. Wir leiten vier zentrale Dimensionen für die Konzeptualisierung von Extremismen ab: Ideologie und Organisation, Herkunft der Akteure, Stellung zur Gesellschaft und Typische Handlungen. Wir beobachten die Entwicklung der Darstellung der drei Extremismen an möglichen Bruchpunkten: Wir untersuchen das assoziative Framing der drei Extremismen vor und nach prominenten extremismusbezogenen Gewaltereignissen, namentlich die Anschläge des 11. September, die Veröffentlichung des NSU-Skandals und linksextremistische Aktivitäten während des G20-Gipfels in Hamburg. Mittels einer Kollokationsanalyse identifizieren wir mit den Extremismen assoziierte Aspekte und ordnen diese den Konzeptualisierungsdimensionen zu. Wir beobachten Veränderungen im Framing, die durch die ausgewählten Ereignisse bedingt sind, und vergleichen das resultierende Framing mit den Kerndefinitionen des Verfassungsschutzes aus dem Bericht des Jahres 2017, um mögliche Unterschiede in der Konzeptualisierung von Extremismen mit möglicherweise unterschiedlichen Handlungslogiken als Resultat divergierender Konzeptualisierungen herauszuarbeiten.
Der Einfluss extremistischer Gewaltereignisse auf das Framing von Extremismen auf SPIEGEL Online
(2020)
In diesem Beitrag untersuchen wir die Darstellung von Rechtsextremismus, Linksextremismus und Islamismus im medialen Diskurs am Beispiel von SPIEGEL Online, einem der deutschen Leitmedien. Wir leiten vier zentrale Dimensionen für die Konzeptualisierung von Extremismen ab: Ideologie und Organisation, Herkunft der Akteure, Stellung zur Gesellschaft und Typische Handlungen. Wir beobachten die Entwicklung der Darstellung der drei Extremismen an möglichen Bruchpunkten: Wir untersuchen das assoziative Framing der drei Extremismen vor und nach prominenten extremismusbezogenen Gewaltereignissen, namentlich die Anschläge des 11. September, die Veröffentlichung des NSU-Skandals und linksextremistische Aktivitäten während des G20-Gipfels in Hamburg. Mittels einer Kollokationsanalyse identifizieren wir mit den Extremismen assoziierte Aspekte und ordnen diese den Konzeptualisierungsdimensionen zu. Wir beobachten Veränderungen im Framing, die durch die ausgewählten Ereignisse bedingt sind, und vergleichen das resultierende Framing mit den Kerndefinitionen des Verfassungsschutzes aus dem Bericht des Jahres 2017, um mögliche Unterschiede in der Konzeptualisierung von Extremismen mit möglicherweise unterschiedlichen Handlungslogiken als Resultat divergierender Konzeptualisierungen herauszuarbeiten.
With a growing Muslim population, many European countries need to integrate Muslims into their societies. One aspect that can hinder successful integration are substantial differences in human values. This is because such values are consequential for attitudes as well as behavior. We compare basic human values between Muslim immigrants and non-Muslim natives in four European countries with distinct immigration histories and integration politics: Belgium, France, Germany, and Sweden. For most insightful comparisons, we contrast values of Muslim immigrants with those of Christian natives as well as those of non-religious natives. We employ data of more than 50,000 individuals based on the first eight waves of the European Social Survey. Our findings reveal significant differences in value priorities between Muslims, Christians and non-religious individuals in all four countries. Amongst other things, Muslim immigrants score particularly high in conservation values (security and tradition/conformity). At the same time, they also score higher in self-transcendence values (benevolence as well as universalism). While many of these findings are in line with theory and previous research, the higher score in universalism is unexpected. A potential explanation is the combination of religious traditionalism and discrimination experiences. In other words, religious traditions are associated with more conservative views, but being subject to marginalization can still result in an appreciation of equal opportunities. We find only limited support for differences in hedonism. Religiosity correlates with values of tradition/conformity for Muslim immigrants as well as for Christian natives. Thus, accounting for religiosity renders differences in these values between Muslims and other groups statistically insignificant. While most of these findings hold in all countries, differences are most pronounced in Sweden and lower in the other three countries, which is also true after accounting for differences in socio-economic status and religiosity between the three groups. This suggests that a combination of a country's history of diversity and national integration policies either encourages the convergence of values or leads to a solidification of value differences between groups. We discuss these political and social implications of our findings.
Critical Theory is the key-word representing all the universe of thought commonly known as „Frankfurt School”. Within it, Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno and Herbert Marcuse are not so far each other, as instead are Max Horkheimer and Marcuse – considering what I in this paper define as the conservative turn of the director of the Institut für Sozialforschung. Whereas Adorno refuses any engagement in the political and lives as an obsession the theory-praxis relation, Marcuse is closer to a certain critical Marxism and to the student movements of Sixities and Seventhies. The crucial issue of the theory-praxis relation comes back clearly in the distance between Marcuse and the other two maîtres à penser, about their judgment on the ’68 movement.
Rule is commonly conceptualized with reference to the compliance it invokes. In this article, we propose a conception of rule via the practice of resistance instead. In contrast to liberal approaches, we stress the possibility of illegitimate rule, and, as opposed to critical approaches, the possibility of legitimate authority. In the international realm, forms of rule and the changes they undergo can thus be reconstructed in terms of the resistance they provoke. To this end, we distinguish between two types of resistance—opposition and dissidence—in order to demonstrate how resistance and rule imply each other. We draw on two case studies of resistance in and to international institutions to illustrate the relationship between rule and resistance and close with a discussion of the normative implications of such a conceptualization.
The main sources for the discussion of the category “relation” were Aristotle’s Categories and Metaphysics. Before their translation into Arabic in the 8th and 9th centuries, Christian theologians and in their footsteps Syriac scholars considered Aristotle’s works to be a useful tool in Christological discussions. This article analyzes the category of relation and its development in Arabic-Islamic philosophy in authors such as Kindī and his student Aḥmad Ibn aṭ-Ṭayyib as-Saraḫsī, Fārābī, Ibn Sīnā, Ghazālī, Ibn Rušd, the Sufi Ibn ʿArabī and others.
Wer nutzt den Online-Gebrauchtwarenmarkt? : Umweltorientierte, Prosumenten und andere User auf eBay
(2010)
In den zahlreichen Beiträgen zum "Jubeljahr der 1968er-Bewegung" kommen oft ehemalige Aktive, Historikerinnen und Experten zu Wort. Doch wie blicken eigentlich Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten des 21. Jahrhunderts auf diese Zeit zurück? Dieser Frage hat sich ein zweijähriges Forschungsprojekt am Institut für Politikwissenschaft der Goethe-Universität gewidmet.
Historiadora do cinema, Miriam Hansen examinou e sistematizou as contribuições de Siegfried Kracauer, Walter Benjamin e Theodor Adorno para a teorização do cinema. Nesta pesquisa bibliográfica, buscamos sintetizar e apresentar aos leitores de língua portuguesa o desenvolvimento de sua investigação sobre o tema. Mostramos como Hansen foi capaz de identificar as principais diferenças entre os teóricos frankfurtianos, bem como evidenciar que eles, em comum, pensaram este fenômeno cultural contemporâneo em relação às condições sociais e econômicas de produção. Em suas reflexões, o cinema aparece como expressão da sociedade urbano-industrial, como um elemento sintomático da cultura de massa.
In the context of globalisation and internationalisation, multilingualism and intercultural interaction are indispensable prerequisites that are desired in all areas. The focus of this paper is to highlight the importance and necessity of multilingualism and intercultural dialogue on the example of Timișoara. The beginnings and traces of multilingualism and the intercultural dimension of Timișoara can be traced based on the geography and history of the city alone. Considering these historical, political, social, cultural and economic prerequisites, this paper presents how the intercultural character and multilingualism of the Banat capital has led it to become a unique phenomenon in Europe, and how it has influenced the history and existence of this region of Romania. The good interethnic relations between the minorities shape the spirit of this city and have helped Timișoara become the European Capital of Culture 2021.The multicultural character of the city has also enabled the emergence of numerous cultural institutions, educational institutions, associations and organisations, which in turn promote this diversity of languages and intercultural interaction.
Traditionally, in deciding whether some strategy or action in war is proportionate and necessary and thus permissible both international law and just war theory focus exclusively on civilian deaths and the destruction of civilian infrastructure. I argue in this paper that any argument that can explain why we should care about collateral killing and damage to infrastructure can also explain why collateral displacement matters. I argue that displacement is a foreseeable near-proximate cause of lethal harm to civilians and is relevant for proportionality and necessity calculi. Accepting my argument has significant consequences for what we are permitted to do in war and for what obligations we have towards refugees that result from our actions in war.
Die gute alte Zeit
(1893)
The starting point of Demirovic's text is Adorno's idea that concepts as forms of thinking are constellations of power. Differently from many interpretations of Adorno as resigned, Demirovic shows that this assumption enables Adorno to give his own theory the character of interventions in the ideological consensus of everyday life with regard to emancipation.
В статті проаналізовано основні ідеї представників Франкфуртської школи, а саме: Т. Адорно, М. Хоркхаймер, Г. Маркузе, Е. Фромм. Опираючись на основні дослідження та основоположні філософські праці представників Франкфуртської школи, зроблена спроба виокремити основні причини становлення неототалітаризму, та тоталітарних режимів у ХХ столітті. Встановлена взаємозалежність між Просвітницькою діяльністю та міфологізацією свідомості; визначена роль культури у цьому процесі. Окреслено роль ідеологічної системи, як однієї з форм соціальної міфології. Встановлена закономірність між «щасливою свідомістю» суспільства споживання і ефективним укоріненням міфів та ідеологічних систем у масову свідомість суспільства ХХ ст. Актуальність статті зумовлена тим, що необхідність критичного осмислення становлення культури тоталітарних країн сьогодні стає очевидною. Усвідомлення того, що суспільна свідомість пострадянських країн досі керується міфологемами, що були створені та впроваджені тоталітарною культурою, змушує нас серйозно вивчати проблематику міфологізації свідомості та ідеологічного впливу. Тому позбавлення від упереджень та перехід до нового витка демократичної свідомості неможливий, без вивчення основ становлення масового суспільства та функції культури в ньому. Більше того, без виявлення чинників, що зумовили конструювання західної цивілізації, неможливе не тільки рішення глобальних проблем сучасності, але й сам перехід на якісно інший виток соціально-культурного розвитку.
In my paper, I intend firmly to criticize Taubes' interpretation of Benjamin's Theology as a modern form of Gnosticism (Benjamin as a modern Marcionit). In a positive way, I sustain rather the thesis that Benjamin's Messianism is in close connection with his conception of reason (“the sharpened axe of reason”) and, in particularly, with the paradoxical unity of Mysticism and Enlightenment, which, according to the famous definition of Adorno, distinguishes his thought. As a radically anti-magical and anti-mythical conception of the historical time, Benjamin's Messianism has to be considered as an original synthesis between motifs of the mystical tradition of the Jewish Kabbalah and motifs belonging to the rationalist tradition of the Jewish philosophy. Moving from Cohen's standpoint of a continuity between Maimonides and Kant, I consider therefore the affinity between his messianic conception of history and that of Benjamin. Both, Benjamin and Cohen, share, together with the reference to the a priori of the idea of justice, the reference to the Kantian connection between rationality and hope. Hence originates the non-eschatological Messianism of both. Motives of difference between Cohen and Benjamin’s messianic idea are to be found, conversely, in their different way to consider the idea of "the infinite task" and of its infinite fulfillment in the context of the historical time. Unlike the fundamentally ethical interpretation that Cohen gives of this relationship, Benjamin understands it ontologically in a monadological sense. This explains the constitutive relationship that exists, in Benjamin's philosophy, between Origin, Fragment and Revelation. In the light of this connection, Benjamin's messianic understanding of the historical time exceeds the Scholemian alternative between a restorative and a utopian conception of Messianism. Consequently, the Krausian motto “Ursprung ist das Ziel” (“The Origin is the Goal”) displays its truth in the idea of the messianic fragment or spark.
Hamlet or Europe and the end of modern Trauerspiel. On some shakespearians motifs in Walter Benjamin
(2019)
Hamlet’s character sets, under different shapes and extents, the benchmark against which a large part of the European philosophy of the very long «short twentieth-century» behind us has had to measure. In the name of Hamlet as the most enigmatic among Shakespeare’s creatures, even Europe, its spirit and destiny, is identified, according to the well-known claim by Paul Valery.
Common trait to a big part of these interpretations – from the juvenile works of Pavel Florenskij and Lev S. Vygotskij (respectively written in 1905 and 1915) to Carl Schmitt’s Hamlet oder Ekuba. Der Einbruch der Zeit in das Spiel (1956) – is offered by the detection, in Hamlet’s figure, of the contradiction inherent to an epochal transition: the time of an unresolved passage between two ages that only knows the endless pain of an “interim”. My paper concerns the possibility to interpret Hamlet’s time as the time of an “interim” in light of Benjamin’s claims about Shakespeare’s drama contained in his book on the German Trauerspiel.
While Florenskij interprets Hamlet’s time as tragic and the figure of Hamlet as a tragic one, in my essay - moving from some observations on the " Hamlet Problem " by the young Franz Rosenzweig - I consider the original Benjaminian thesis about the character and the drama of Hamlet as the end of the modern Trauerspiel. Starting from a statement by Theodor Adorno in the famed Hornberger Brief to Benjamin of August 2, 1935, I outline, therefore, how Benjamin characterizes the figure of Hamlet. This, from his early writings on the relationship between tragedy and Trauerspiel up to the great book on the Origin of the German Trauerspiel.
In the frame of Benjamin’s interpretation, exactly by virtue of its distance from the thesis on the duality of tragedy (evoked by Florenskij’s interpretation as well as other ones), the Shakespearian theatrum of consciousness, paradigmatically represented in the figure of Hamlet and in the intimately dialectic character of his drama, is accounted for as necessary correlate of the Cartesian’s theatrum of consciousness. From a theoretical point of view, the Benjaminian characterization of Hamlet's figure reveals, therefore, something of the nature of modern consciousness and of consciousness in general in relation to the problem of truth and its representation. Hence the end of modern Trauerspiel coincides with the original incompleteness of its time. Consequently, I also claim Hamlet's dramatic figure to represent the aporetic characters of modern politics. This contrasts the thesis of Carl Schmitt who (in direct controversy with Benjamin) speaks, instead, of the Shakespearean drama as an expression of a pre-modern barbaric time.
In order to celebrate the seventieth anniversary of Benjamin's death, the conference "Dialectic images and sudden constellations: Warburg, Benjamin, Adorno" was held in Florence. The idea, common to the three authors, of a truth content that can only be realised in its concrete and istantaneous configuration, was embodied here in the form of a "philosophical concert", where contributions by philosophers, philologists and historians of arts and architecture succeeded each other.
»Erinnerungen aus der Kindheit kann man doch nur haben, wenn man selbst kein Kind ist« (de Velasco 2013, S. 10) – so kommentiert die 13-jährige homodiegetische Erzählerin Nini im Roman Tigermilch das Auftauchen einer ersten bewussten »richtige[n] Kindheitserinnerung« (ebd.). Angesprochen ist damit der zunächst paradox anmutende Zusammenhang von Kindsein und Erinnern. Sich selbst im umfassenderen Sinn daran zu erinnern, wie es ist, ein Kind zu sein, gehört zu den Fähigkeiten, die Kindern nicht zugesprochen werden. Die Kindheit gilt als das Lebensalter, in dem man ganz bei sich ist, in dem alles gegenwärtig und vieles möglich ist. Pläne und Perspektiven richten sich in die offene Zukunft, im Rückblick über Erinnerungen zu verfügen und sie als Teil der eigenen Biografie zu begreifen, wird selbst zum Zeichen der Differenz: ein Indiz dafür, dass die Kindheit bereits an ihr Ende gekommen ist....
Im Folgenden soll exemplarisch aufgezeigt werden, wie die begriffsgeschichtlich entscheidende Koppelung von Evolution und Fortschritt im Neoevolutionismus zunächst explizit verteidigt (und reformuliert) und später aufgekündigt wird und zerbricht. Es soll also einer Transformation der Geschichtssemantik 'innerhalb' des Neoevolutionismus nachgegangen werden, das heißt im Wesentlichen den Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschieden zwischen dem ethnologischen Neoevolutionismus Whites, der den Fortschrittsbegriff wissenschaftlich retten und objektivieren will, und der Neukonfiguration des Neoevolutionismus, in der eine gleichsam evolutionistische Axiomatik zur Zurückweisung des Fortschrittsbegriffs führt, die sich vor allem bei Steward und in jüngster Zeit bei Diamond findet. Dabei ist zu berücksichtigen, dass das Deutungsmuster geschichtlicher Entwicklung von Kulturen und Gesellschaften, das der Neoevolutionismus anbietet, nicht nur in diachroner Dimension neuen Voraussetzungen angepasst wird (immerhin liegen zwischen der Formung des Neoevolutionismus bei White und Steward und dessen Aktualisierung und Popularisierung bei Diamond mehrere Dekaden), sondern auch aus dem wissenschaftlichen Spezialdiskurs in den Bereich der Populärwissenschaft übertragen wird. Begriffsgeschichtlich interessant ist hierbei also, dass sowohl die Grenze zwischen den 'Zwei Kulturen' in der Wissenschaft (und auch die interdiskursiv lange tradierte zwischen Natur und Kultur als zwei klar unterschiedenen Sphären), als auch diejenige zwischen verschiedenen Kommunikationsbereichen berührt wird. Dazu soll die Verteidigung des Fortschrittsbegriffs bei White genauer vorgestellt werden, bei der der Begriff notwendiger Bestandteil des Evolutionismus ist, um vor diesem Hintergrund die Aufkündigung der Koppelung von Evolution und Fortschritt bei Steward und im populären Evolutionismus zu skizzieren.
The paper proposes a new understanding of the notion of “aura” as it emerges, including similarities and differences, in the aesthetic thought of Walter Benjamin and Theodor W. Adorno. In particular, the paper shows how, not only in Adorno but already in Benjamin, such a concept designates also the capacity of artwork to refers, by its own internal, to an irreducible otherness. In this perspective, in a world increasingly dominated by a tendency to homologation and mercification – with the resulting identification of art and cultural industry –, contemporary art looks like a continuous oscillation between the will to deny aura and, other times, the awareness of its necessary survival, closely related (in particular, according to Adorno) to the recognition of the need to “save” not only the appearance but also, by that very fact, the aesthetic autonomy.
Il saggio approfondisce l’opera di due artisti fondamentali degli ultimi decenni, ovvero Antoni Tàpies e Bill Viola. La loro produzione artistica riesce a sfuggire alla condanna che Th. W. Adorno fa di tutti quei movimenti che rimettono in questione il concetto di arte e la nozione di opera. Questi due artisti salvano lo statuto dell’arte nella società post-industriale, vale a dire in un momento in cui le trasformazioni profonde del sistema culturale rischiano di minacciare la sopravvivenza della creazione artistica, come se la razionalità estetica non potesse che abdicare davanti alla razionalità strumentale. Sono pochi i pittori che come Antoni Tàpies riescono a infondere alla materia inanimata un’irradiazione e una capacità di evocazione tanto intense, mentre per Bill Viola tutte le opere d’arte rappresentano cose invisibili e la stessa tecnologia digitale non è altro che una forma più pura per avvicinarsi a quelle realtà non fisiche e non visibili che stanno sotto alle cose visibili del mondo. La scommessa di Tàpies e Viola riguarda la sopravvivenza dell’arte nell’universo mercantile di una società sempre più amministrata e sottoposta agli imperativi economici; la loro produzione pare mirata a renderci consapevoli della nostra mortalità, offrendo immagini in grado di mettere in connessione la dimensione sensibile e quella spirituale, il visibile e l’invisibile, aprendo lo spazio a una trascendenza che sembrava completamente svanita.
Starting from Warburg, the distinguishing mark of an image, considered as identity-difference of visible and invisible, is its offering itself as an implementation of a temporality, and at the same time of a memory that is immanent in the sensible structure of the image. It’s what we find both in Benjamin and in Adorno: in both cases, it is just because the image is marked by a “internal time” that it is able to have a critical function towards reality, and at the same time an utopian character that is all the same with its non-renounceable testimonial task.
Haben Vorurteile einen Sinn? In der Entwicklungsgeschichte des Menschen vermutlich schon, um Freund und Feind unterscheiden zu können. Aber in der heutigen globalen, wenn auch komplexeren Welt ist es wichtig zu wissen, warum Vorurteile entstehen und welche Gruppenprozesse dahinterstecken. Die Sozialpsychologie kann seit den 1950er Jahren auf eine Vielzahl von Experimenten verweisen – mit spannenden Ergebnissen. Eines lautet: Je mehr Kontakt Menschen aus unterschiedlichen Gruppen miteinander haben, desto geringer sind auch die Vorurteile.
Geld allein macht nicht (un)glücklich : was Mitarbeiter der Goethe-Universität zufrieden macht
(2012)
Die Covid-19-Pandemie hat das universitäre Leben seit dem Sommersemester 2020 auf den Kopf gestellt. Digitales Arbeiten von zu Hause aus, e-Learning und Video-Konferenzen prägen seither Forschung, Studium und Lehre. Wir haben Studierende, Lehrende, Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter aus ganz unterschiedlichen Gebieten unseres Fachbereichs drei Fragen zu ihrem Arbeitsalltag zwischen Ausnahmezustand und „neuer Normalität“ gestellt.
1. Inwieweit hat die Pandemie Ihren (Arbeits-/Studien-) Alltag verändert?
2. Welche Rolle spielen dabei digitale Medien? (auch im Vergleich zur Zeit vor der Pandemie)
3. Für die Zeit „nach Corona“: Was nehmen Sie mit? Worauf freuen Sie sich?
Auch im Fachbereich Rechtswissenschaft an der Goethe-Universität kam es 1968 zu heftigen Turbulenzen. Dabei zeigten die meisten jüngeren Professoren des Fachbereichs durchaus Verständnis für manche der studentischen Forderungen. Einige Reformansätze scheiterten, andere wurden erst durch feinere Nachjustierungen funktional.
L’autore ricostruisce l’impatto del saggio di Max Weber sulla città nella storiografia tedesca a partire dalla fine degli anni Ottanta. Esso indica altresì il significato politico della "scoperta" weberiana della città come nucleo genetico della politica occidentale, con il suo universalismo che Weber data addirittura all’incontro tra gli apostoli Pietro e Paolo ad Antiochia. La "città" è per Weber la sede della possibilità teorica e fattuale di creare un diritto autonomo e nuovo. Essa è certamente il luogo di origine della predominanza politica della borghesia, ma nel paradigma weberiano basato sulla razionalizzazione come processo tipico della cultura occidentale, essa indica un percorso che prosegue ancora oggi nell’epoca delle migrazioni e della globalizzazione.
Nonostante una carrieraaccademica costruita e fondata nellaScienza del diritto, "in quanto giurista" Max Weber viene pochissi-mo preso in considerazione, in particolare proprio daparte della ri-cerca tedesca. Si cercheràqui di mostrare, partendodalla sua Dis-sertazione in Storia del diritto, l’impronta ricevutada Weber dal-l’ultima fase della Scuola storica e il significato che ciòebbe per il suosuccessivo lavoro come sociologo del diritto ma anche per il tipoparticolare della sua costruzione concettuale sociologica. ...
Cele două nume de origine germanică, Gerhard şi Konnerth (ultimul fiind o formă derivată locală din Transilvania a numelui Konrad) sunt folosite ca paradigme pentru prezentarea interdependenţei dintre numele proprii ca şi clasă specială a substantivelor şi conotaţiile culturale ale antroponimelor. Rezultatul este o scurtă schiţă istorico-culturală pe o perioadă de studiu de peste 1000 de ani cu referinţă la persoana purtătoare a acestor nume, profesor dr. Gerhard Konnerth din Sibiu.
In Paris, metropolis of xix century, Benjamin traces the new paradigm of modernity: the modern theatrical dimension corresponds to the artistic innovations and to the reproduction of aesthetical requests. Entfremdung and Neutralisierung are the main characters of the Ästhetisierung and they are one with the distraction as principle of reception and the conformism as principle of valuation. This is the context of the aura’s decline. The Adorno’s critical essay on the radio (1963) analyses the transformation of works of art in cultural gifts and, in particular, the loss of autonomy of the musical work of art in the radio listening. The Adorno’s remarks recognize the historical character of aura and a new possibility that it can re-emerge in a new historical dimension of the music.
Unter dem Schlagwort "68er-Bewegung" werden verschiedene linksgerichtete Protestbewegungen, Bürgerrechtsdemonstrationen und antiautoritäre Aktionen zusammengefasst, die ab Mitte der 1960er in Deutschland und zahlreichen anderen Ländern stattfanden und auf eine Umwälzung bestehender sozialer und politischer Strukturen zielten. ...
There is a consensus that transnational soft governance has unleashed the forces of change in higher education. However, individual national HE systems are still anchored in country-specific regulatory regimes, which reflect national-historical, institutional, and cultural developments. Against this background, three crucial questions guide our study: How does the state react to transnational pressures for change? How is transnationally inspired policy change ‘digested’ by the preexisting country-specific governance structures? And to what extent have national HE systems converged on a common governance model? To address these questions, we conduct a multilevel comparative analysis of developments in Germany, France, and Italy. We first break down the concept of higher education governance into sub-dimensions and derive concrete policy indicators for three historically embedded governance ideal types. Drawing on historical institutionalism and institutional isomorphism, we explore how historical legacies and transnational communication have impacted policy pathways over the past 30 years. We graphically illustrate the policy trajectories using our ‘governance triangles’, which encompass the balance of power between multiple actors, including the state and universities, university management and the academic profession, and external stakeholders.
Die soziokultivierte gewaltfreie Kommunikation bedeutet eine kultivierte Konfrontation der Selbstprojektionen der Kommunikationsteilnehmer. Soziokultivierte Kommunikation wird dadurch gekennzeichnet, dass sie korrekt ist. Das Wesen der Korrektheit jeder Kommunikation bildet die Proportionalität zwischen den Akkommodations- und Assimilationsprozessen. Diese Proportionalität bedeutet, dass alle beteiligten Kommunikationsteilnehmer über eine angemessene Egomobilität verfügen. Diese beruht auf dem Gleichgewicht zwischen Egozentrismus und Allozentrismus (vgl. Dolník 2009:76–78). Die einzelnen Kommunikanten bemühen sich nicht nur um die Durchsetzung der eigenen Selbstinterpretation (der eigenen Werte und Normen, Kommunikationsstile, Einstellungen, Gefühle, Verpflichtungen, Beziehungen, Überzeugungen, Verhaltensweisen, Erwartungen, Bedürfnisse usw.), sondern gleichermaßen um das Verständnis der Selbstinterpretation ihres Kommunikationspartners. Eine effiziente Kommunikation geht Hand in Hand mit der Problemlösungsstrategie der Konfliktbewältigung. Sie geht davon aus, dass jeder Konflikt ein Problem darstellt, das grundsätzlich lösbar ist und dessen gemeinsame Lösung den beiden Konfliktseiten Vorteile bringt.
This paper addresses the phenomenon of climate-induced displacement. I argue that there is scope for an account of asylum as compensation owed to those displaced by the impacts of climate change which needs only to appeal to minimal normative commitments about the requirements of global justice. I demonstrate the possibility of such an approach through an examination of the work of David Miller. Miller is taken as an exemplar of a broadly ‘international libertarian’ approach to global justice, and his work is a useful vehicle for this project because he has an established view about both responsibility for climate change and about the state’s right to exclude would-be immigrants. In the course of the argument, I set out the relevant aspects of Miller’s views, reconstruct an account of responsibility for the harms faced by climate migrants which is consistent with Miller’s views, and demonstrate why such an account yields an obligation to provide asylum as a form of compensation to ‘climate migrants.’
With the Earth system being about to leave Holocene conditions and thus the known safe operating space for humanity, frameworks such as the Planetary Boundaries (PBs) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) provide quantitative metrics to guide sustainability transformations. In order to strive, not only for compliance with the PBs but also for societal well-being, some approaches attempt to combine both PBs and SDGs within a single assessment. We focus on two prominent examples, the “Doughnut” by Kate Raworth and the #SDGinPB project of the 2018 report to the Club of Rome, which are not only aimed at public outreach, but also at guiding policy-making. To meet these objectives, the approaches should possess a certain accuracy in determining the progress in achieving the SDGs and in complying with the PBs. We evaluate, by using a multi-indicator approach for comparison, whether both approaches’ limited set of indicators can still represent the SDGs’ complexity. This comparative approach estimates the progress in achieving SDGs, especially in the Global North, to be significantly lower. Based on these results and against the approaches’ purposes, we discuss their simplifications and at which point the results are no longer reliable. We conclude that global assessments can be an important factor in initiating transformative processes by stimulating public discourse, but that the actual implementation of these would require approaches with greater recognition of local particularities.
This contribution develops a defence of a universalist conception of Global Citizenship Education (GCE) against three prominent critiques, which are, among others, put forward by postcolonial scholars. The first critique argues that GCE is essentially a project of globally minded elites and therefore expressive both of global educational injustices and of the values and lifestyles of a particular class or milieu. The second critique assumes that GCE is based on genuinely ‘Western values’ (e.g., in the form of a conception of human rights or conceptions of rationality or the self), which are neither universally accepted nor universally valid and therefore unjustly forced on members of non-Western cultures and societies. GCE, according to this critique, is assumed to be another version of the educational justification of a hegemonic and unjust global Western regime. The third critique focuses on the epistemological preconditions of GCE. It assumes that GCE relies on a particular, culturally embedded ‘Western epistemology,’ which perpetuates historically grown global educational and epistemic injustices by dominating and subjugating alternative epistemological approaches. With respect to the first critique I argue that it is to a certain extent sociologically plausible, but wrong when it is applied to the educational and political legitimacy of GCE. The second critique overestimates the consensus within the ‘Western tradition’ and underestimates the transnational dissemination of universalist ideals and values as well as its own reliance on universalist validity claims. I argue that in order to provide a plausible criticism of historically grown global educational and political injustices, it is imperative for GCE to integrate central insights provided by the postcolonial critique, without giving up on universalist ideals and values. The third critique is, according to my argumentation, based on flawed epistemological assumptions, which do not withstand critical scrutiny. Instead of identifying epistemic and scientific claims as the expressions of a particular ‘culture’ or geographical location (the ‘West’), I defend the position that philosophical and scientific research should ideally be conceived as a democratic and universalist project, whose emancipatory potential can only be realized on the basis of a universalist epistemology.
Der Arbeitsmarkt sucht sie – die teamfähigen, kreativen, eigenverantwortlichen Mitarbeiter, denen Leistung Spaß macht, die sich leidenschaftlich engagieren. Unsere Gesellschaft hat ein neues Verständnis von Arbeit entwickelt, deren oberstes Ziel längst nicht mehr die klassische Pflichterfüllung ist. Selbstverwirklichung im Beruf, einst als wirklichkeitsfremde Utopie belächelt, ist heute offizielle Doktrin. Gleichzeitig werden jedoch Leistungen immer mehr nach Output und ökonomischen Erfolgskriterien bewertet. Nur was zählbar ist, zählt, und nur was sich ökonomisch rechnet, wird auch wertgeschätzt. Wissenschaftler des Instituts für Sozialforschung sind bei ihren Studien auf einen spannenden Zusammenhang dieser widersprüchlichen Entwicklungen gestoßen: Die »weichen« Faktoren machen es offenbar immer schwerer, individuelle Leistungen noch sinnvoll miteinander zu vergleichen und gerecht zu bewerten. Das hat bei Unternehmen wie Beschäftigten den Glauben an die Unfehlbarkeit objektiver Zahlen und ökonomischer Kennziffern nur weiter untermauert.
Percepção como interpretação
(2009)
Este artigo enfoca a apropriação que Horkheimer e Adorno fazem da doutrina kantiana do esquematismo no sentido de apontar para o procedimento – característico da indústria cultural – de usurpar de seus consumidores a capacidade de “esquematizar” (referir intuições a conceitos) por si próprios. Considerando-se que os autores não dão outras indicações sobre como se dá esse processo em relação aos meios de massa, o texto procura explicar como a própria percepção em geral é atingida pela “usurpação do esquematismo” a partir de colocações do capítulo da Dialética do esclarecimento sobre o antisemitismo. Essas colocações são complementadas – e também comparadas – com as de Hans Lenk no seu livro O pensamento e o seu conteúdo.
By means of the analysis of two Theodor Adomo's texts temporal1y very distant from each other -one written in the beginning of his career, the other in his maturity -, this article shows that the essay was for him not merely a theme of reflection, but also and upmost a kind of matrix for his thought. Within this matrix, through resort to a tradition, begun, in the Modernity, with Montaigne and solidified with Leibniz and the English empiricists, Adorno seeks to build, in the last phase of his philosophy, his conception of an "Anti-system", in which the indispensable coherence of thought can be kept save from instrumentalization by the domination system.
Esquematismo e semiformação
(2003)
Este artigo tem como objetivo mostrar a relação entre a concepção, de Adorno, da "Teoria da semiformação" e sua sugestão (juntamente com Horkheimer), na Dialética do esclarecimento, de que a indústria cultural usurpa dos indivíduos a capacidade de "esquematizar", isto é – de acordo com o ponto de vista kantiano na Crítica da razão pura –, referir sua percepção sensível a conceitos fundamentais. Já que no capítulo da Dialética do esclarecimento sobre a indústria cultural os autores não desenvolvem essa idéia, tento encontrar um desenvolvimento dela na parte intitulada "Elementos do anti-semitismo", particularmente na seção sobre a "falsa projeção". É possível mostrar, então, que a mesma concepção de semiformação, que na Dialética do esclarecimento liga a teoria sobre o anti-semitismo com a crítica à indústria cultural, poder ser considerada um conceito aplicado às questões educacionais.
Habermas relê Adorno e Horkheimer à luz do seu próprio modelo, isto é, do "paradigma lingüístico" que substitui a práxis transformadora pela argumentação. Assim, Habermas não percebe que, em Adorno, a competência comunicativa subordina-se a algo essencialmente diferente, a um impulso emancipatório. As características deste a priori transcendental racionalmente mediado devem ser buscadas não na Dialética do esclarecimento, mas em Minima moralia.
Intermarriages in Transylvania are a topic that is still to little scientifically explored. Saxons and Romanians in Transylvania each married in their own circles in accordance with the times they lived.The Second World War, the establishment of communism, deportation and nationalization have changed relations between the Transylvanian Saxons and Romanians. The number of mixed marriages has begun to grow and cultural proximity has become real. Life in Communism has become a collective destiny. At the base of this study are 25 questionnaires filled in by people coming from mixed marriages. The following aspects were analyzed: the name and identity attributed thereto, spoken languages, confession, family life, identity positioning.
Yaratıcı endüstri kavramı, aşırı-teknik-kapitalist toplumların bir zorunluluğu olarak 1990’lı yıllarda gerek gündelik yaşama gerekse bilimsel yazına yerleşmeye başlamıştır. Habermas’ın çift değerlilik yaklaşımı doğrultusunda düşünüldüğünde, yaratıcı endüstrilerin, yaratıcılık ve kültürü kullanarak ürettikleri ürünlerin olumlu yanları kadar olumsuz yanlarının da olacağı açıktır. Bu çalışma yaratıcı endüstrilerin, toplumsal alanda anlaşma yönelimli iletişimsel eylemi koordine eden kültürel-normatif yapılar üzerindeki olası bozucu etkilerine dikkat çekmeye çalışmıştır. Çalışma, bu düşünceyi temellendirmek için, Husserl tarafından geliştirilen “yaşam dünyası” ve Habermas tarafından kuramsallaştırılan “yaşam dünyasının sömürgeleştirilmesi” kavramları doğrultusunda ilerlemiştir. Çalışmamızda kısmen Frankfurt Okulu’nun düşüncelerine başvurulmuştur. Çalışmamız özetle, yaratıcı endüstrilerin, yaşam dünyasının temel bileşenlerinden kültürel yeniden üretim, toplumsal bütünleşme ve toplumsallaşma süreçlerini nasıl etkileyeceğine, iletişimsel eylemi ne şekilde koordine edeceğine ve yaşam dünyasını potansiyel olarak nasıl sömürgeleştireceğine odaklanmıştır.
Este texto busca caracterizar a imagem de pensamento (Denkbild) como um gênero particular de composição que mistura filosofia e literatura, conceito e imagem. O argumento central é o de que, devido às suas peculiaridades formais, a imagem de pensamento possui tanto um forte teor intersubjetivo, quanto a capacidade como de fazer surgir o não-idêntico em experiências cotidianas. Desse combinação surge um tipo de escrita prática, que merece ser recuperada no presente.
L’école de Frankfort abandonne progressivement les thèses de la philosophie de l’Histoire, dont l’acceptation fournissait une espèce de fondement pour la théorie critique, dans la mesure où l’on pouvait croire aux contenus émancipateurs de la raison inclus au sein même des idées de la société bourgeoise. Nous essayerons de montrer cequi est oublié dans les thèses de la philosophie de l’Histoire à partir de la dialectique du maître et de l’esclave de Hegel, et donc, pourquoi de telles thèses se sont montrées insuffisantes. Enfin, nous chercherons à démontrer que la figure théorique opposée aux thèses de la philosophie de l’Histoire se retrouve dans Über den Begriff der Geschichte de Benjamin. De plus, la récupération d’un tel fondement oublié dans les thèses de la philosophie de l’Histoire détermine, vraisemblablement, la considération morale de la théorie critique habermasienne.
Populists in the EU often call for restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights. These calls are often demagogic and parochial. This paper aims to show what exactly is both distinct and problematic with these populist calls from a normative point of view while not necessarily reducible to demagogy and parochialism. The overall aim of the paper is not to argue that all populists call for such restrictions nor to claim that all calls for such restrictions are populist. The purpose of the paper is rather humble. It only aims to show that populist calls for restrictions on EU immigrants’ access to welfare rights are characterised by two normatively problematic arguments that target two different subsets of the citizenry: what I dub for the purpose of this paper the moralists and the immoralists. It is the way populists address these two subsets of the citizenry, as well as the fact that they could simultaneously appeal to the concerns of both groups, that makes populist approaches to welfare rights both conceptually distinct to other approaches as well as potentially politically appealing to a more diverse population of voters.
This essay examines the emancipatory possibilities of interculturalism. The aim is to evaluate whether the philosophical discourse of interculturalism, which is still parasitic on a vocabulary of modernism, can achieve its emancipatory role in a postmodern world by trying to empower difference through consensus. Further, this essay aims to propose a way out of modernist dialecticism and towards a truly postmodern theory of interculturalism.
The Methodological seminar was conducted by the scientific journal “Philosophy of Education” (Institute of Higher Education, National Academy of Educational Sciences of Ukraine). The participants of the seminar were Prof. Panos Eliopoulos (University of Peloponnese, Greece), Lyudmyla Gorbunova, Mykhailo Boychenko, Olga Gomilko, Mariia Kultaieva, Volodymyr Kovtunets, Sergiy Kurbatov, Anna Laktionova, Tetiana Matusevych, Natalia Radionova, Iryna Stepanenko, Maya Trynyak and Viktor Zinchenko. On March 30, 2016, a methodological seminar was conducted at the Institute of Higher Education NAES of Ukraine. This seminar was devoted to the discussion of educational problems in the area of mass culture, and relative opportunities for the development of individuality. The report «Mass culture, education and the perspective of individuality» was made by Panos Eliopulos, professor of Peloponnese University, a member of journal’s «Філософія освіти. Philosophy of Education” editorial board. The scientists from the Institute of Higher Education, Institute of Philosophy of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Skovoroda National Pedagogical University of Kharkiv participated in this event. Designated issues were observed primarily from the point of view of the Frankfurt School representatives, as well as representatives of modern critical philosophy of education and critical pedagogy. It was emphasized that T.Adorno’s ideas and ideas of other Frankfurt School members, which were developed in the middle of the last century, continue to be relevant in current socio-cultural contexts. The technical rationalism which became the rationalism of dominance in the context of technological civilization, could not provide the way toward the liberation of man and the development of his or her individuality. Market society with its instrumental rationality leads to homogenization and standardization of mass culture and as a result, we have a semi-education, leading to destruction of personality and social pathologies. The panelists agreed that semi-education reflects the crisis of ideals of education and training as far as a suspension of human emancipation process. Due to suspension of the creative process of a person formation, replacing it by the processes of stereotyping based on mimetic rationality, culture itself loses creative potential. The process of degradation of education and culture in the semi-education eventually leads to its destruction at theoretical level and the elaboration of the practice of anti-education. Only through returning of the individual and maintaining his or her social importance due to the tools of holistic education it is possible to overcome such stereotyping. For Frankfurt School members, and those who share their ideals, true education in its meta-theoretical sense becomes the important factor, contributing to the emancipation of society and individual. This idea is particularly important in the context of contemporary challenges and threats from instrumentalization of approaches to the process of transformation of the Ukrainian culture and education.
Auf die Fragen kommt es an: "Woher kommt der Mensch? wo will er hin? – und warum um alles in der Welt ist er da nicht geblieben?" Der Meister zirkulärer Sinnsuche hat als Fragender seine beste Rolle gefunden und damit den postheroischen Typus Mensch erschaffen, der in der Vieldeutigkeit der Welt erleichtert seinen Unfrieden findet: damit, dass Pazifisten Kriege verteidigen, dass die Außerparlamentarischen eine Partei gründen, dass die Konservativen die interessanteren Zeitungen machen und die Komik zur wirksamsten Waffe gegen Dummheit und Schmerz geworden ist. Matthias Beltz hat beiläufig mit Lebensweisheiten und assoziativ aufgetürmtem Scharfsinn nicht nur seine Fragen bewaffnet, in denen gewagte Antworten ihren vitalen Keim austreiben, sondern auch das Misstrauen gesät gegenüber politisch korrekten, nachgeplapperten und smarten Antworten. ...
Als Schlüsseltext für die diskursgeschichtliche Durchdringung und Verdichtung zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts und zugleich als exemplarische Präsentation und Reflexion des Übergangs vom Fin-de-siècle zur emphatischen Moderne kann die experimentelle "Mythe" des Expressionisten Robert Müller gelten: die Erzählung "Irmelin Rose".
Noch bevor im Jahre 1915 mit den "Tropen" der vielleicht bedeutendste expressionistische Roman erscheint, hat dessen Autor mit der hier verhandelten Erzählung aus dem Jahre 1914 einen Text geschaffen, der mit Hilfe von Diskurs- und Stilzitaten die artistisch-eskapistische Tendenz des Jugendstil-Ästhetizismus mit der technizistisch-expressiven Mythisierung und Dämonisierung der modernen Lebenswelt paradigmatisch konfrontiert.
This paper examines and rejects two normative justifications for low-fee private schools (LFPS), whose expansion throughout the Global South in recent years has been significant. The first justification – what I shall call the ideal thesis – contends that LFPS are the best mechanism to expand access to quality education, particularly at the primary level, and that the premise of their success is that they reject educational equality and state intervention in educational affairs, traditionally associated with public schools, embracing instead educational adequacy and unregulated markets for education. Against this thesis, the paper argues that an ideal educational arrangement must not do away with educational equality and some degree of state interference. The other justification for LFPS – the secondbest thesis – contends that although LFPS do not represent the ideal state of affairs, they nonetheless bring us a step closer to the ideal of universal primary education; they are a ‘realistic’ approximation to that goal. Against the second-best thesis, the paper argues that this justification commits the approximation fallacy: by deviating from the ideal educational arrangement LFPS may obstruct rather than facilitate its achievement.
El ensayo contrasta dos grandes posturas ante el fenómeno omnipresente de la técnica, en estricta relación con las concepciones profundas de lo racional y lo natural que le subyacen. Ortega por un lado, y Adorno, Horkheimer y Marcuse por otro, son excelentes ejemplos de visiones muy diferentes pero complementarias, que además conjugan aspectos antropológicos, históricos y políticos de gran importancia para ofrecer una panorámica global en este campo, sin reduccionismo alguno, y ayudar así a repensar nuestro presente.
Les trois auteurs et voyageurs étudiés dans cet article (Albert Londres, André Gide, Michel Leiris) ont prêté leurs voix à l’anticolonialisme. Ils ont critiqué les effets du colonialisme européen en Afrique noire de la fin des années 1920 au début des années 1930. Toutefois, pour des raisons diverses allant d’aspects institutionnels aux sensibilités personnelles, leur engagement ne paraissait pas tout à fait le bienvenu, d’où leur hésitation à placer la parole politique au premier plan et à assumer le rôle d’intellectuel engagé. Ils ont alors justifié leur démarche par l’expérience personnelle et singulière du voyage et par l’urgence du sujet de leurs récits. Les formes littéraires qui en résultent (grand reportage, journal intime de voyage, journal ethnographique) ont profondément modernisé le genre du récit de voyage dans un moment critique de son évolution.
El objetivo principal de este trabajo es replantear la posibilidad de realizar una síntesis entre la fenomenología de Husserl y la teoría crítica de la Escuela de Frankfurt. Para ello realizaremos una revisión crítica de los textos del primer Marcuse (1928-1933), cuyo proyecto filosófico consistió en formular una síntesis entre la ontología fenomenológica de Heidegger y el materialismo dialéctico de Marx. La tesis que defenderemos aquí es que este proyecto sigue siendo vigente, pero tomaremos como referente la fenomenología de Husserl, desde la que interpretaremos los textos de Marcuse, y no la ontología existencial de Heidegger.
O eixo temático desta investigação trata de compreender que a obra de arte corporifica na sua forma interna uma autonomia relativa com relação à realidade empírica sobre a qual se torna reflexão crítica. Ao se caracterizar como mediação com a realidade social que a produziu, a arte é por isso mesmo a sua negação. É esse princípio de negação determinada, em que se condensam na obra de arte as antinomias e os antagonismos como antíteses da sociedade enquanto problema de sua forma interna, o elemento ao qual Theodor W. Adorno atribui dimensão epistemológica. Nessa categoria do conhecimento assim concebida, pela perspectiva estética, a razão instrumental como práxis brutal da sobrevivência é concretamente questionada na sua forma restritiva de conhecimento.
This article discusses the potential of a historical approach to sustainability transformations. Using environmental issues and governance structures as case studies, it first describes how historical “sustainability transformations” can be conceptualized. It then suggests that 19th-century constitutional reforms can be read as attempts at reaching fiscal sustainability, whereas some social reforms can be interpreted as attempts to render the capitalist economy sustainable. In conclusion, the article highlights that the primary value of historical approaches to sustainability transformations will not lie in models, but in encouraging more creative questions.
A necessidade e a possibilidade das decisões coletivas no processo político no interior de sociedades complexas são examinadas tendo em vista a questão da legitimidade dos governos democráticos. Analisa-se, com base nos três autores, a questão do desenho institucional mais adequado ao exercício da deliberação.
A Teoria Crítica propõe, com Theodor Adorno, uma íntima relação entre filosofia e desenvolvimento de experiências formativas, constituindo um referencial teórico indispensável para o entendimento acerca do que é pensar filosoficamente em uma perspectiva denominada negativa. Nessa relação, a experiência e racionalidade estética demarcam uma nova forma de conceber a razão e seu momento na relação com a objetividade. Esse momento da razão não indica apropriação, mas remete para uma aproximação e, a partir dessa, a construção de sentido. A problemática que orienta este texto indaga sobre como os conceitos de concreto, aproximação e construção se articulam no desenvolvimento das chamadas experiências formativas. Defendemos a hipótese de que a partir da articulação desses conceitos a riqueza constitutiva da realidade passa a ser manifestada e apreendida, possibilitando, mediante a ampliação das experiências, a manifestação do novo e a construção de sentido. Essa constelação conceitual indica o desafio de considerar a objetividade para além do imediatamente dado; indica, também, o sentido que deve assumir a tensão dialética geradora da aproximação e, por último, um caminho que nos auxilia na tarefa de compreensão do pensamento crítico de Theodor Adorno.
Ênfase na análise imanente no seu sentido mais forte, ou remessa às condições históricas da produção dos textos? Neste artigo destinado ao exame crítico desses livros argumenta-se que, estando em jogo obras de um autor que se move no universo do marxismo (Ressentimento da dialética e O fio da meada, de Paulo Arantes) a disjuntiva remete a Adorno ou a Lukács, autores centrais para Arantes.
In der letzten Dekade hat sich die Diskursforschung im Anschluss an Michel FOUCAULT im deutschsprachigen Raum interdisziplinär beständig weiterentwickelt. Sie ist dabei, sich im Rahmen qualitativer Sozialforschung – wie auch an sprachwissenschaftlichen Verfahren orientiert – zu etablieren.
Auf der internationalen und interdisziplinären Tagung "Sprache – Macht – Wissen" vom 10.-12.Oktober 2007 in Augsburg wurde der aktuelle Stand von Diskurstheorie und -analyse eruiert und diskutiert. Der Tagungsessay soll einen Einblick in die derzeitige Diskussion geben. Wir zeichnen zunächst die Fragestellungen und Zielsetzungen der Tagung nach. Es folgt eine knappe Zusammenfassung der gehaltenen Vorträge. Im Laufe der Tagung kristallisierten sich verschiedene Schwerpunkte heraus, die wiederholt aufgegriffen und diskutiert wurden: das Verhältnis von Diskursanalyse und Kritik, das Verhältnis von Subjekt(ivität) und Diskurs, das Verhältnis von Macht, Diskurs und Dispositiv sowie das Verhältnis von Diskursanalyse und Visualität. Mit der Systematisierung dieser vier Punkte nehmen wir eine kritische Betrachtung der "Ergebnisse" der Tagung vor. Abschließend verweisen wir auf zwei aktuelle Netzwerkinitiativen zur interdisziplinären Diskursforschung, die während der Tagung vorgestellt wurden.
Moulages are contact media – images made by contagion in the most literal sense: their production relies on a process in which the object to be reproduced is touched by the reproducing material. In the case of dermatological moulages, the plaster touches the infected skin of the sick and, once dried, serves as the negative form for the waxen image of a disease. Focussing on the collection of the Hôpital Saint-Louis in Paris, the article situates the production of dermatological moulages within the visual culture of 19th-century medicine and raises the question how an ancient technique of image production could become such a prevalent tool for the documentation of skin diseases during a period usually associated with the rise of scientific medicine and a reconsideration of theories of contagion in medical aetiology.
Der Beitrag widmet sich dem seit 2012 in Karlovy Vary (Karlsbad) bestehenden touristischen Areal "Becherplatz", das in den ehemaligen Fabrikationsgebäuden der Firma Becherbitter (Becherovka) entstanden ist und neben Geschäften, einem Café und einem Restaurant auch das Jan-Becher-Museum samt Museumsshop beherbergt. Bei der Vermarktung dieser touristischen Destination beziehen die Betreiber historische Versatzstücke mit ein, ohne die gebotene Kontextualisierung zu leisten. Man bedient sich bekannter Topoi, um Historizität zu vermitteln, die Inszenierung gleitet jedoch in die Beliebigkeit ab.
O presente trabalho aborda o problema da compreensão e justificação do conceito habermasiano de tolerância (Toleranz) nas sociedades marcadas por diferentes e incompatíveis (conflitantes) imagens de mundo (verschiedene und unverträgliche Weltbildern), onde se elaboram e articulam os contextos da justificação (Kontexte der Rechtfertigung) e o contexto da tolerância (Kontext der Toleranz). A meu ver, Habermas estabelece uma distinção ambivalente entre tolerância e não discriminação, baseada em uma dissonância cognitiva (kognitive Uneinheitlichkeit) aplicável às imagens de mundo (Weltbildern) concorrentes e mutuamente excludentes, resultando em uma diferenciação das expectativas normativas referente à resolução de dilemas que envolvem formas de vida culturalmente diferenciadas. Nas situações em que as objeções a crenças e práticas de uma forma de vida particular não se encontram baseadas em razões públicas (öffentliche Gründe), não caberia falar em tolerância, mas na luta pela igualdade de direitos de cidadania e reconhecimento de direitos culturais. A dificuldade consiste em declarar quais crenças e práticas seriam “eticamente objetáveis ou erradas”, mas que não poderiam ser igualmente julgadas, com base em “razões públicas”, como “moralmente rejeitáveis”, dada a existência de razões de aceitação (que não eliminam, mas superam as razões de objeção) e, portanto, objeto da tolerância, bem como aquelas crenças e práticas que não poderiam ser toleradas sob qualquer justificação moral baseada em “razões públicas” (crenças e práticas igualmente “eticamente objetáveis ou erradas” e “moralmente rejeitáveis”). Além disso, como ressalta Forst, nem sempre é possível estabelecer quais razões são “públicas” e podem constituir o fundamento de objeções razoáveis às crenças e práticas de alguém considerado “eticamente diferente” de “nós” ou ainda, como assevera Lafont, se estas mesmas razões estariam “disponíveis”.
Critical Theory offers a new way to understand not only the society, but also the individual. In particular, I will focus on the thought of Adorno and his conception of society.
First, I want to investigate the Adornian description of society in its totalitarian face and in its paradoxical relationship with the individual. The individual, first element of society, without which any society cannot be imaged, paradoxically finds – in the society – its liquidation and destruction.
Secondly, I want to consider the Adornian revolutionary statement in a conversation with Horkheimer of a need of a “New Manifesto”. Do we need it even today? Would be really possible a new Marxian society in our world? The attempt to answer to those questions will conclude my paper.
Este artigo pretende ser uma exposição da Filosofia do Esclarecimento de Habermas. Nesse sentido, apresentaremos especialmente seu pensamento inicial, com o escopo de estabelecer seus fundamentos, o que implica iniciar com as influências sobre ele (I. Kant, J. L. Austin, o "segundo" Wittgenstein, M. Weber, E. Husserl, K. O. Apel, entre outros), assim como com sua crítica aos primeiros membros da Escola de Frankfurt (especialmente contra o pessimismo de T. Adorno e M. Horkheimer acerca da possibilidade de a razão nos libertar). Finalmente, mostraremos como Habermas é uma extensão do projeto de uma Filosofia do Esclarecimento, o que faz dele um exemplo do pensamento moderno na história contemporânea da Filosofia.
Técnica e liberdade
(2000)
Argumenta-se que o dilema entre técnica e liberdade permanece como tal, como dilema não resolvido, enquanto não se conseguir repensar a questão por uma perspectiva que alcance mais longe e mais fundo do que a tradição antropocêntrica do pensamento ocidental. As concepções de autores como Marcuse, Habermas e Marx são examinadas por um prisma que incorpora sugestões de Heidegger.
Aproximações entre Nietzsche e Adorno acerca da massificação da cultura e da vida administrada
(2017)
Pretendemos pensar as relações entre arte e sociedade, tendo sempre em mente a tensão irredutível entre a autonomia e a heteronomia de uma em relação a outra. Para tanto, traçaremos uma análise dos argumentos principais a respeito dessa relação dialética, em dois momentos distintos da reflexão filosófica sobre o tema. Em um primeiro momento, traremos a defesa de uma certa autonomia da arte com referência não apenas à sociedade que a produz, como também aos valores morais que são ensinados através dela, com as reflexões e, sobretudo, com as críticas de Nietzsche sobre suas interpretações da tragédia clássica, a partir principalmente de O Nascimento da Tragédia, para, em um segundo momento, poder traçar um paralelo dessa argumentação com a constatação de Adorno a respeito da instrumentalização e da comercialização da arte, no contexto contemporâneo, expondo algumas das críticas de Nietzsche realizadas no séc. XIX sobre as produções culturais gregas do séc. IV a. C. e contextualizando-as em relação aos fenômenos estéticos contemporâneos.
Il saggio propone una ricostruzione critica della concezione di impegno e di politicità della letteratura formulate da Brecht e da Adorno. Concezioni opposte che possono essere considerate le formulazioni più efficaci delle due posizioni predominanti nel dibattito estetico del Novecento.
Adorno fonda la politicità della letteratura sulla sua autonomia e sulla liberazione della forma. La politicità dell’arte scaturisce per lui dal rifiuto della discorsività, dalla aggressiva sottrazione del senso, dalla esposizione del negativo. La sua è una concezione dell’impegno elitaria che subordina il discorso artistico a quello filosofico. Brecht fonda la possibilità politiche della letteratura sulla consapevolezza della medialità dell’esperienza. Può essere rivoluzionario solo l’autore che ha riflettuto sulle mediali condizioni della propria produzione e produce opere che non sono espressione di una soggettività ma lavoro alla trasformazione e al cambiamento di funzione dei dispositivi mediali e delle istituzioni in cui agisce.
O artigo toma as críticas ao entrelaçamento entre direito e violência como um ponto de partida para explorar a possibilidade de um "tertiumdo direito". Desse modo, busca superar a suposição dicotômica básica que enxerga o direito sempre oscilando entre uma apologia à violência, de um lado, e uma utopia da razão, de outro. O texto analisa a possibilidade dessetertium, uma "força legal" além da violência legal e da razão legal, em quatro passos, recorrendo ao trabalho de Jacques Derrida e de autores da primeira geração da Escola de Frankfurt, em particular, de Theodor Adorno e Walter Benjamin. Argumenta que, em um primeiro passo, o direito precisa ser dissociado do Estado. A violência jurídica, entretanto, não se origina apenas do laço entre direito e poder de Estado. O direito é em si mesmo violento, mesmo quando não é direito de Estado. O segundo passo da crítica legal consiste, portanto, na recordação da violência do direito, seguido por um terceiro, que pede a transformação da violência em força. Essas três instâncias da crítica são as precondições para um passo último e essencial, de acordo com o qual a crítica do direito deve facilitar a transcendência da violência jurídica, tomando o direito e a sua promessa de justiça ao pé da letra com a finalidade de voltar essa promessa contra o próprio direito.
De acordo com parte da literatura, a teoria crítica de Adorno é um lamento sobre o fracasso da civilização moderna que é incapaz de dar conta de suas próprias condições de possibilidade. No presente artigo, questiono tal veredito, por meio da análise da questão de como a crítica pode ser feita e de quem seria o destinatário dela, em uma situação de quase completa dominação.
The paper presents the findings of two recent books on the financial history of the Frankfurt School: Jeanette Erazo-Heufelder, Der argentinische Krösus: Kleine Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Frankfurter Schule, 2017, and Bertus Mulder, Sophie Louisa Kwaak und das Kapital der Unternehmerfamilie Weil. Ein Beitrag zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Frankfurter Schule, 2021 (Dutch original 2015). In contrast to the “court histories” of the school, the two authors tell the story of the money that brought the school to life and secured its existence throughout a turbulent period of history. At the center of the books are individuals who have been sidelined until now or even completely ignored by the literature on the Frankfurt School: on the one hand, Felix Weil, who founded and financed the Institute of Social Research and, on the other hand, Erich A. Nadel and Sophie L. Kwaak, two employees of the holding company who managed the accounts of the Weil family and the Institute’s foundations and were responsible for protecting the assets from being seized by Nazis. The books’ thick descriptions induced the author of the present paper to consider an alternative perspective on the Frankfurt School by contemplating Max Horkheimer and Friedrich Pollock as playing confidential games with Weil and others.
Psychotherapists in mental health institutions as a professional group are part of the medical system, and from this perspective, as representing an occupation that serves the public health interests, as well as those of the individual seeking help. Despite the different existing therapeutic approaches and diverse forms of therapy deriving from these approaches critical theories, however, consider psychotherapy as a profession with a specific jurisdictional claim and own highly specific interests. In contrast to most of the recent discussion around therapy culture, in this article, I argue that sociology and social theory could benefit from an understanding of psychotherapy as a profession with a separate logic and claim for jurisdiction for mental health. Moreover, I present some general trends showing that, regarding psychotherapy, we face a concurrence of a professionalisation, and simultaneously, an already ongoing deprofessionalisation. To develop my argument, I first discuss the perspectives of sociology of the psychotherapy professions. Second, I present the potential lack of professionalism in four dimensions. Third, I discuss possible tendencies of deprofessionalisation. Finally, I conclude by pointing out the importance of theorising the psychotherapy professions for medical sociology.
Vinculada à tradição da Escola de Frankfurt (Horkheimer, Adorno, Habermas), a teoria de reconhecimento (Honneth) tem grande repercussão nas ciências sociais, pois propõe um novo tipo de fundamentação ética com vistas ao projeto de uma sociedade solidária e justa. Na pedagogia, porém,sua recepção é ainda modesta. O ensaio objetiva mudar a situação, querendo mostrar a importância da contribuição de Honneth para a práxis educativa. Primeiro, são apresentados alguns tópicos centrais da teoria. Depois, os conflitos entre as diretrizes ético-morais no trabalho profissional servem de exemplo para mostrar como a teoria de reconhecimento recorda aos pedagogos a necessidade de refletirem sobre o processo pedagógico como campo de experiência essencialmente social para os envolvidos.
Theodor W. Adorno’s criticism of human beings’ domination of nature is a familiar topic to Adorno scholars. Its connection to the central relationship between art and nature in his aesthetics has, however, been less analysed. In the following paper, I claim that Adorno’s discussion of art’s truth content (Wahrheitsgehalt) is to be understood as art’s ability to give voice to nature (both human and non-human) since it has been subjugated by the growth of civilization. I focus on repressed non-human nature and examine Adorno’s interpretation of Eduard Mörike’s poem ‘Mausfallen-Sprüchlein’ (Mousetrap rhyme). By giving voice to the repressed animal, Mörike’s poem manages to point towards the possibility of a changed relationship between mice and men, between nature and humanity, which is necessary in order to achieve reconciliation amongst humans as well.
This article elucidates the spatial order that underpins the politics of the Anthropocene – the ecological nomos of the earth – and criticizes its imperial origins and legacies. It provides a critical reading of Carl Schmitt’s spatial thought to not only illuminate the spatio-political ontology but also the violence and usurpations that characterize the Anthropocene condition. The article first shows how with the emergence of the ecological nomos seemingly ‘natural’ spaces like the biosphere and the atmosphere became politically charged. This challenges the modernist separation between natural facts and political norms. It then underlines the imperial origins of this nomos by introducing the concept of air-appropriation understood as the colonization of atmospheric space by CO2 emissions. Instead of assuming that the ecological nomos represents a transition from a colonial to an ecological and cosmopolitan world order, focusing on air-appropriation highlights forms of ecological imperialism that go along with the new nomos. Accordingly, the article calls for a just redistribution of ecospace that takes into account the imperial legacies and ongoing effects of air-appropriation.
Axel Honneth desenvolve o conceito de reconhecimento, encarado como uma necessidade fundamental do ser-humano, de forma a constituir-se no núcleo de uma teoria da justiça que procura especificar as condições intersubjetivas de autorrealização individual. Apresenta-se uma teoria da justiça assente na reconstrução das práticas e condições de reconhecimento já institucionalizadas, analisando as instituições sociais em um sentido amplo. Pretende-se aproximar a concepção normativa da justiça da análise sociológica das sociedades modernas, através da reconstrução normativa e ao colocar a ênfase na liberdade social, baseada na dimensão intersubjetiva das instituições de reconhecimento. A liberdade social prevê o acesso às instituições de reconhecimento. Um dos objetivos é esboçar os problemas desse avanço interpretativo da teoria crítica do reconhecimento, pelo que iremos convocar a teoria da luta pelo reconhecimento de Honneth, incluir a sua reactualização mais recente do Direito de Hegel e explorar a sua proposta normativa para as condições de uma vida ética.
Os limites da tolerância
(2009)
Este artigo apresenta os elementos constitutivos do conceito de tolerância e discute duas concepções diferentes do termo, como permissão e como respeito moral, que expressam modos diversos de demarcar os limites da tolerância. A tolerância é apresentada como um conceito que, para ganhar algum conteúdo, depende normativamente de um direito à justificação baseado na idéia de um uso público da razão segundo o qual as práticas e as instituições político-jurídicas que determinam a vida social dos cidadãos devem ser justificáveis à luz de normas que eles não podem recíproca e genericamente rejeitar.
Sobre la libertad política
(1998)
Este artículo presenta un argumento en favor de un concepción intersubjetivista de la libertad política constituida por cinco diferentes nociones de autonomía: moral, ética, legal, política y social. Más allá de las nociones estrictamente liberales o comunitarias, negativas o positivas, el concepto de libertad política incluye todas aquellas libertades que los ciudadanos, en tanto continentes y usuarios autónomos de la libertad, pueden conceder y garantizar de forma recíproca y general. Así, en la base de este concepto reposa un principio de justiticación moral y política.
Immer wieder sieht man sich – einer Zeitreise gleich – heutzutage rückversetzt in die trüben Zeiten religiöser Konfrontationen, denkt man an die Diskussionen über Pläne zum Bau von Moscheen, die Regensburger Rede des Papstes, Karikaturen in dänischen Zeitungen oder Kopftücher von Lehrerinnen. Und so ist es ganz folgerichtig, dass der ehrwürdige Begriff der Toleranz allerorten bemüht wird, um konfliktentschärfend zu wirken. Gleichwohl fällt auf, dass häufig jede der streitenden Parteien ihn für sich reklamiert. Was also heißt »Toleranz« genau?
"Toleranz kommt vor Glückseligkeit" : eine Zeitreise mit der Tugend des gegenseitigen Respekts
(2016)
Toleranz ist gerade da nötig, wo sie besonders schwerfällt. Das war schon vor gut 300 Jahren so, als Denker wie der französische Philosoph Pierre Bayle in Zeiten religiöser Auseinandersetzungen den Grundstein für ein fortschrittliches Toleranz-Verständnis legten. Warum der Begriff gerade heute wieder Konjunktur hat und wie umstritten er noch immer ist, erläutert der politische Philosoph Rainer Forst im Gespräch mit Bernd Frye.
En el presente escrito, proponemos pensar al trabajo como socialización desde la Teoría del Reconocimiento de Axel Honneth. Para ello, efectuaremos previamente una aproximación, por separado, a las nociones de socialización y trabajo en la perspectiva teórica de Honneth. Ello nos permitirá dilucidar al trabajo como caso de socialización y extraer algunas conclusiones en torno al carácter material de la socialización en una sociedad estructurada en términos de lucha de clases.
Die Coronapandemie hat zu einem massiven Schwund an physischen Begegnungen und Treffen geführt. Was bedeutet es aber, seinen Mitmenschen nur noch in der Zoom-Konferenz, mit Maske und großem Abstand oder gar nicht mehr zu begegnen, welche Folgen hat das für das gesellschaftliche Miteinander? Und wie geht der Kulturbetrieb damit um, für den die physische Anwesenheit des Publikums immer noch essenziell ist?
Über die Bedeutung des geistigen Erbes von 68 wird 50 Jahre später trefflich gestritten. Mögen die politischen Ideen des Aufbruchs und das daran anknüpfende Handeln heute für Kontroversen sorgen, so erfreut sich hingegen der Sound der Revolution, der damals zum Ärger orthodoxer Kommunisten ganz klar von der Rockmusik dominiert wurde, einer nahezu ungebrochenen Begeisterung: Das "»Weiße Album" der Beatles, "Electric Ladyland" von Jimi Hendrix oder "Beggars Banquet" von den Rolling Stones, alle 68 erschienen, werden heute mehr denn je bewundert. Im Zeichen einer grassierenden "Retromania" (Simon Reynolds) gewinnt der mit Mythen und Heldengeschichten aufgeladene Sound der Vergangenheit mit zunehmendem zeitlichen Abstand sogar noch an Bedeutung. In ihrer Frühphase ist die Popmusik noch ein Wettstreit verschiedener Stile, Techniken und auch Bands. Ihre steigende gesellschaftliche Akzeptanz lässt aber spätestens in den 70er Jahren Zweifel laut werden an ihrer weiterhin behaupteten und auch inszenierten Widerständigkeit.
As a network researcher, sociologist Professor Christian Stegbauer also deals with communication in social media. That people prefer to stay in a bubble with like-minded others rather than get to grips with different opinions and ways of thinking was in his view inherent to digital communication from the outset. He considers many of the utopian ideas of a digital culture of participation to be exaggerated.
Interview mit dem Soziologen Christian Stegbauer: Der Soziologe Prof. Christian Stegbauer beschäftigt sich als Netzwerkforscher auch mit Kommunikation in Social Media. Dass sich Menschen lieber in einer Blase gleichdenkender Akteure aufhalten, anstatt sich mit anderen Meinungen und Denkformen zu beschäftigen, war seiner Ansicht nach der digitalen Kommunikation von Anfang an inhärent. Viele der utopischen Vorstellungen von einer digitalen Partizipationskultur hält er für übertrieben.
Wir haben das Feld der sozialen Situationen sondiert und die spektatorische Situation als eine spezifische Zeichensituation und Verkehrsform erörtert. Darüber hinaus sind problemgeschichtliche Aspekte der Figur des Zuschauers zur Sprache gekommen; gleichsam als Bestandteil konzeptioneller Vorarbeiten zur konkreten kultursemiotischen Untersuchung historischer Modelle von Spectatorship in ihrer funktionellen Typenvielfalt.
O presente artigo pretende sustentar que o diagnóstico adorniano sobre perda da experiência qualitativa do tempo no expressionismo de Schoenberg pode ser desdobrado a partir da mobilização de dois conceitos da musicologia: o trabalho temático e a harmonia tonal. Ambos os conceitos estão associados a procedimentos compositivos em virtude dos quais logrou-se, na música anterior ao expressionismo, uma continuidade temporal que obedecia a uma necessidade, isto é, não contingente, ou fortuita. A dissolução da continuidade temporal na obra expressionista de Schoenberg é, portanto, resultado do abandono destes mesmos procedimentos.