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Vom 19. bis 21. September fand im Forschungskolleg Humanwissenschaften die bereits dritte Bad Homburg Conference statt. Die Konferenz zum Thema Künstliche Intelligenz brachte Perspektiven aus verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen und der Praxis zusammen. Referentinnen und Referenten u. a. aus Informatik, Rechtswissenschaft, Medizin, Philosophie und Hirnforschung diskutierten mit Vertretern der gesellschaftlichen Praxis: Unternehmern, Industrievertretern, einem Kriminalhauptkommissar des Landeskriminalamts Hessen und einer Bürgerrechtsaktivistin und Politikberaterin aus den USA. Begrüßt wurden die Teilnehmer von ForschungskollegDirektor Prof. Dr. Matthias Lutz-Bachmann, der Vizepräsidentin der Goethe-Universität, Prof. Dr. Simone Fulda, dem Bürgermeister der Stadt Bad Homburg, Meinhard Matern, sowie der Hessischen Ministerin für Digitale Strategie und Entwicklung, Prof. Dr. Kristina Sinemus. Der Abschlusskommentar kam von Christoph Burchard, Professor für Straf- und Strafprozessrecht, Internationales und Europäisches Strafrecht, Rechtsvergleichung und Rechtstheorie an der Goethe-Universität. Der UniReport hatte Gelegenheit, mit Christoph Burchard nach der Konferenz zu sprechen.
Der Psychologe William von Hippel und der Pädagoge Mikael Arevius zeigen, wo sich im evolutionären Prozess unserer Spezies und mit einem faktenbasierten Weltwissen der vergangenen Jahrzehnte positive Entwicklungen belegen lassen. Im Sommersemester übernahmen sie die Jubiläumsgastprofessur der Freunde und Förderer, zu der neben der wissenschaftlichen Community auch die Mitglieder der Freundesvereinigung und die Bürgergesellschaft eingeladen waren. Finanziert wurden die Aufenthalte der beiden Gastwissenschaftler von der Frankfurter Ernst Max von Grunelius-Stiftung; wissenschaftlich betreut wurde diese „Zukunftsgastprofessur“ von dem Sozialpsychologen und Vizepräsidenten der Goethe-Universität, Prof. Rolf van Dick.
Gefährdung der Meinungsfreiheit? : Fragen an den Wissenschaftssoziologen Prof. David Kaldewey
(2019)
Sind Meinungs- und Wissenschaftsfreiheit an den Universitäten gefährdet? Darf nicht mehr oder nur noch eingeschränkt über bestimmte Themen gesprochen werden? Präsidium und Studierende der Goethe-Universität hatten im Rahmen der Reihe »Diskursraum – Wissenschaft in Geschichte und Gesellschaft« einen Diskussionsabend im Bibliothekszentrum Geisteswissenschaften organisiert. Im so genannten »FishBowl«-Format war das Publikum eng eingebunden und konnte so die Möglichkeit nutzen, eigene Ideen und Anmerkungen einzubringen.
Unter dem Namen #climonomics – EU-Klimakonferenz für Schüler*innen: A Friday for Future veranstaltete das PolECulE-Projekt, ein Kooperationsprojekt der Englisch- und Politikdidaktik, am 25. Oktober eine Veranstaltung für Schüler*innen. Hier wurde die aktuelle EU-Klimapolitik im Rahmen eines Rollenspiels erörtert und debattiert. Nachdem die Hessenschau, FAZ, der Deutschlandfunk und die Frankfurter Rundschau ausgiebig über das Projekt berichteten, schreibt auch Charlotte Wittich (17), angehende Abiturientin am Heinrich-von-Gagern-Gymnasium, von ihren Erfahrungen.
La cultura, en tanto manifestación de la actividad del espíritu en oposición a la actividad material, se ha entendido, generalmente, como expresión del progreso humano, que nos aleja de la barbarie. Adorno somete este concepto a un riguroso análisis dialéctico y descubre que la barbarie misma puede estar encarnada en la cultura, y que esta, como bien sucede con la industria cultural, puede estar al servicio de la dominación antes que al de la emancipación. Sin embargo, no renuncia a su espíritu utópico. Este texto explora no solo la crítica de Adorno al concepto tradicional de cultura y su complicidad con la barbarie, sino también las indicaciones en el pensamiento del mismo autor para comprender las posibilidades emancipatorias de la cultura.
Frankfurt Okulu düşünürleri otoritaryenliğe ilişkin araştırmalarını 1930’lu ve 1940’lı yıllarda yapmışlardır. Theodor W. Adorno ile Leo Lowenthal ve Norbert Guterman’ın araştırmaları ve analizlerinde ortaya koydukları “otoritaryen kişilik”ler, ajitatörler ve demagogların söylemiyle günümüzde ABD’deki siyasi liderlerin resmi olmayan sözcülerinin yeni medyadaki söylemleri arasında paralellikler bulunmaktadır. Bu anlamda Frankfurt Okulu düşünürlerinin otoritaryenizm teorisinin günümüzün otoritaryen popülist söylemini eleştirel bir şekilde analiz etmemize yardımcı olacağı düşünülmektedir. Bunun için öncelikle otoritaryen popülizm kavramı tartışılacak, ardından elitleri, beyaz olmayan tüm insanları, göçmenleri, Müslümanları, Yahudileri ve komünistleri, beyaz Hıristiyan Amerika'nın mevcut önyargılarını kullanarak düşman olarak etiketleyen yeni medya kişiliği Nicholas J. Fuentes’in söylemi analiz edilecek; otoritaryenlik ve anti-Semitizm üzerine yapılan ilk dönem araştırmalar, çevrimiçi haberlerde ve sosyal medyada “sahte peygamberler”in yeni söylemiyle karşılaştırılacaktır
Свою роботу «Актуальність філософії» молодий філософ-неомарксист Теодор Адорно прочитав улітку 1931 року як лекцію, вступаючи на посаду приват-доцента Франкфуртського університету імені Йогана Вольфґанґа Ґете. У цій лекції Т. Адорно критично проаналізував філософію позитивізму, неокантіанство, філософію життя та феноменологічне вчення Едмунда Гуссерля, ідейно впливових течій і шкіл німецької філософії, що мали статус панівного теоретичного знання в суспільстві. Також Т. Адорно здійснив неомарксистську критику онтологічних проєктів таких німецьких філософів, як Макс Шелер та Мартін Гайдеґґер, які зазнали ідейного впливу Гуссерлевого вчення. На переконання Т. Адорно, ці онтологічні проекти через первинну присутність у них ірраціоналістичних елементів існування людини формують таку манеру суб’єктивного мислення, що не спроможне дієво поєднати його суб’єкта із зовнішньою дійсністю. Іншим об’єктом критики Т. Адорно була філософія Віденського гуртка, яка, на його переконання, хоча й переймалася розглядом людини як суб’єкта емпіричного пізнання, однак не зауважила дійсну суть його існування як історичної істоти. Неомарксист Т. Адорно запропонував убачати спільний сцієнтизм феноменології, філософії емпіріокритицизму та Віденського гуртка такою теоретичною тенденцією, котра неспроможна надавати аподиктичні відповіді на основні, сутнісні питання людського буття як історично плинного. Тим самим ця теорія доводить свою ідейну недосконалість, а також й історичну неактуальність. Виходячи зі своєї критики цієї філософії, Т. Адорно запропонував власне, неомарксистське бачення філософії, котра мусить замінити попередню філософію як панівну в суспільстві. Ця нова, матеріалістична теорія, що перебуває в буттєвому діалектичному зв’язку із соціальною практикою, має сприяти самостійному тлумаченню суб’єктом буттєвих сенсів та історичних картин, що формує за допомогою понять його розуміння соціальної дійсності як історичної, і водночас вона мусить ідейно скасовувати претензії будь-якої філософії на статус офіційної теорії. У цій лекції Т. Адорно також представив ідейний задум свого вчення про людське буття, суть якого у зміненому вигляді він пізніше експлікував у «Негативній діалектиці» (1966), своєму головному філософському творі.
As a cognitively-mediated response, autonomous adaptation at farm-gate levels constitutes reactionary actions by farmers against climate impacts. These actions are shaped by interacting factors such as household characteristics, livelihood scope and resources. It is driven by the goal of adapting cultivated farmlands to climate and for sustaining crop yields. Thus, interest in balancing adaptation goals with protection of vegetation conditions is less of a priority. Lack of research interest in understanding the gap between objectives of reactionary adaptation and protection of surface conditions (vegetation canopies) is a gap in research. In many studies, farm-gate level adaptation is described as a set of zero-feedback actions in response to climate impacts. This perception conceals the stress and impact-engendering attribute of reactionary adaptation. Inspired towards addressing this conceptual gap; this study investigates impact of farmers’ reactionary adaptation on vegetation cover in Keffi, Nasarawa, Nigeria. A twenty-year time-series NDVI and rainfall datasets are linearly regressed to examine the extent of NDVI-rainfall sensitivity. A weak linear relationship between NDVI and rainfall in Keffi for the period, 1999-2018 is observed. At a regression slope of 0.001, R squared, R2=0.129 (implying that only about 13% of the variability in NDVI in Keffi are explained by rainfall amount) and a bivariate regression coefficient, r=0.359; statistical evidence shows that rainfall amount are not significant predictors of NDVI in Keffi. In investigating the possible interference of non-rainfall factors on vegetation productivity (NDVI) in Keffi; a residual trend (RESTREND) analysis was carried out. Regression of residuals from NDVI-Rainfall linear regression produced a R=0.192 with a negative and downwards slope. The downward character of the RESTREND slope is suggestive of non-rainfall factors contained in the residuals. In validating the RESTREND analysis, a comparative analysis between observed and predicted NDVI derived from a reference NDVI value of 0.46 was carried out. The NDVI value of 0.46, is empirically assumed to be average NDVI value expected at a minimum rainfall amount of 850mm/year reported in tropical Savanna ecosystems. Using this empirical relationship, NDVI values were predicted for Keffi. Even at higher rainfall amounts≈1340mm/year, amounts were unable to produce corresponding higher NDVI values; rather a more plausible correlation between reference-derived predicted NDVI values and rainfall was obtained. A further analysis with predicted NDVI values, based on 1999 NDVI value in Keffi returned higher NDVI units than observed NDVI values. This strengthens the attribution of the possible interference of rainfall-NDVI sensitivity by non-rainfall factors like human activities on vegetation productivity. Surface soil analysis to exclude potential impacts of soil nutrients and moisture deficiency on vegetation productivity, showed that soil had insignificant effect on vegetation dynamics. Further inferential analysis, using the inter-annual NDVI and the reclassified bi-decadal NDVI maps showed that spatial vegetation distribution in Keffi were driven by farmers inter-annual rotational cultivation footprints than rainfall variability. With a three-class categorization, “gain, loss and significant loss”, the spatial distribution of vegetation in Keffi between (1999-2008) and (2009-2018) was assessed. Temporal condition (stressed and healthy) across the three classes supports the attribution of farmers’ reactionary adaptation and cultivation practices on the dynamic spatial vegetation distribution. Between 1999 -2018, an increase in areas with significant vegetation loss (42%), so with a decrease of -25% in areas with healthy vegetation was observed. The character of vegetation cover across the two decadal time slices, reflects landuse intensity and unsustainable farming practices. Preferences for modification of cultivation practices and changes in seed by farmers exerts positive feedbacks on vegetation cover. Higher statistical measures, 38.4% (yearly cropping) and 44% (shifting cultivation with less fallow periods) were observed in the chi-square analysis. These measures were higher than 2.0% relating to shifting cultivation with more fallow periods. While 11.6% farmers noted cultural practices as reasons for preferred cultivation methods, 48.4% farmers attributed climate as reason behind cultivation modification. This was higher than 24.4% who linked issues of tenure rights to cultivation practices. With preferences for yield- breaching strategies, the non-receding cultivation and shorter fallow practices in Keffi triggers feedback on vegetation dynamics. Evidence from this study shows that the NDVI-rainfall functional sensitivity in Keffi is plausibly dampened by effects of reactionary farm-gate level adaptation practices.
This article claims that the institution of the market is structurally exploitative. It allows for exploitation, it encouragesactors to engage in it and it even pressurizes them to do so. Within Marxism, this claim is well known, but can it bedefended without strongly relying on Marxist concepts and arguments? I will answer in the affirmative and identify theforces of market competition to be a fundamental source of exploitative pressures...
El objetivo principal de este trabajo es replantear la posibilidad de realizar una síntesis entre la fenomenología de Husserl y la teoría crítica de la Escuela de Frankfurt. Para ello realizaremos una revisión crítica de los textos del primer Marcuse (1928-1933), cuyo proyecto filosófico consistió en formular una síntesis entre la ontología fenomenológica de Heidegger y el materialismo dialéctico de Marx. La tesis que defenderemos aquí es que este proyecto sigue siendo vigente, pero tomaremos como referente la fenomenología de Husserl, desde la que interpretaremos los textos de Marcuse, y no la ontología existencial de Heidegger.
El siguiente artículo quiere contribuir a realizar una reconstrucción de la vida de Herbert Marcuse, centrada principalmente en su dificultosa relación con Martin Heidegger entre los años 1927 y 1947. Apoyándose en su correspondencia inédita, que se encuentra hoy en el Archivo Marcuse de la Universidad de Frankfurt, el escrito repasa los estadios más importantes de su formación intelectual: sus primeros estudios culminados en el trabajo sobre la novela del artista alemán, el intento de realizar una lectura marxiana de Ser y tiempo, las dificultades para habilitarse bajo la tutela de Heidegger, el acercamiento al instituto de investigación social de Frankfurt, su exilio tras el auge del nazismo y la ruptura definitiva con Heidegger finalizada la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
O objetivo deste ensaio é argumentar em favor da frankfurtianidade de Jürgen Habermas, isto é, estudar os pontos de convergência de sua obra em relação ao projeto teórico do Instituto de Pesquisa Social de Frankfurt e, a partir dessa ênfase, apontar novas possibilidades de pesquisa no campo de Estudos Organizacionais (EO). Para isso, refletimos sobre aspectos teóricos essenciais do ensaio “Teoria tradicional e teoria crítica” (HORKHEIMER, 1975) e elaboramos uma crítica aos intérpretes que utilizam a cronologia geracional como principal critério para a compreensão de diferenças no movimento intelectual da Escola de Frankfurt. Metodologicamente, inspiramo-nos na proposta de crítica à interpretação por meio da hermenêutica filosófica (RICOEUR, 1990) e na natureza propositiva de interpretação de um ensaio teórico (MENEGHETTI, 2011). Para sustentar a proposição expressa de forma provocativa no título deste artigo, dialogamos com comentadores (BOTTOMORE, 2001; FREITAG, 2004; NOBRE, 2004; MELO, 2013), a fim de propor uma caracterização não geracional de seus membros e a proximidade de Habermas em relação ao marco fundador da Teoria Crítica. Nesse sentido, acreditamos que (a) a releitura da intenção emancipadora (HABERMAS, 2002), (b) a desconstrução da isenção do conhecimento científico (HABERMAS, 1987) e (c) a incorporação da filosofia da linguagem à crítica social frankfurtiana (HABERMAS, 2012) são contribuições importantes de sua obra à Teoria Crítica de Frankfurt. Como proposição para a área de EO, em nossas considerações finais argumentamos que a recolocação do autor no posto de genuíno teórico crítico da Escola de Frankfurt pode constituir uma nova agenda de pesquisa para o campo. Acreditamos que nosso esforço pode auxiliar pesquisadores da área de EO a compreender a obra de Habermas a partir de uma via que os afasta da armadilha de considerá-lo um teórico não crítico e/ou utópico. Sob esse enfoque, torna-se evidente sua produção intelectual politicamente engajada nos problemas sociais contemporâneos – dimensão que vem sendo negligenciada pelos pesquisadores do campo de EO no Brasil.
This essay reflects on the convergence between Jürgen Habermas’ work and the theoretical framework put forward by the Institute of Social Research in Frankfurt, arguing in favor of the characteristics of the Frankfurt school in Habermas and pointing out research possibilities in the field of Organizational Studies (OS). We discuss the essential theoretical aspects of the work by Horkheimer (1975) “Traditional and Critical Theory,” and produce a critique on the use of generational chronology as the main criterion for understanding the intellectual movement of the Frankfurt School. The methodology is based on the critique of the interpretation using the philosophical hermeneutics (RICOEUR, 1990) and observes the propositional nature of an interpretation offered in theoretical essays (MENEGUETTI, 2011). To support the provocative proposition of this work, we establish a dialogue with authors such as Bottomore (2001), Freitag (2004), Nobre (2004), and Melo (2013)) discussing a non-generational characterization of the Frankfurt School’s members and the proximity of Habermas in relation to the pioneer works on the Critical Theory. We believe that (i) the re-reading of the emancipatory purpose (HABERMAS, 2002); (ii) the deconstruction of the impartiality of the scientific knowledge (HABERMAS, 1987); (iii) and the incorporation of the philosophy of language into the Frankfurtian social criticism (HABERMAS, 2012) are important contributions of Habermas to the Frankfurt’s critical theory. As for a proposal for the field of organizational studies, this esseay concludes that recognizing Habermas as a Critical Theory scholar of the Frankfurt School may constitute a new research agenda for the field. The contribution of this essay lies in helping researchers in the field of Organizational Studies to understand Habermas’ work differently and not as a non-critical or utopian production. In this perspective, it is clear that Habermas’ intellectual production is politically engaged in contemporary social problems, which is a dimension neglected by the researchers of the field of Organizational Studies in Brazil.
Ao tratar de diferentes aspectos do conceito de mimese na estética de Theodor Adorno, o artigo busca evidenciar a permanência do que Adorno designou como mimese primitiva ou originária na sociedade contemporânea. A análise do conceito de idiossincrasia servirá para mostrar esta permanência e, ao mesmo tempo, o seu reforço pela indústria cultural. Como contraponto a essa faceta do conceito de mimese, trataremos da mimese nos âmbitos científico, filosófico e no que Adorno considera obra de arte autêntica.
Este artículo rastrea las categorías del proyecto moral de Adorno a partir de la barbarie experimentada en los campos de concentración nazi durante la Segunda Guerra mundial. Para ello, el autor utiliza la estrategia de pensar la filosofía a partir del modelo de la Teoría Crítica de la Escuela de Frankfort. Este novedoso proyecto orienta al hombre o cualquier idea de filosofía y ética con sentido, atendiendo nuevas categorías de la realidad fáctica. Concretamente, Adorno construye un proyecto moral que tiene como fundamento, primero, un nuevo marco para la metafísica y antropología a partir de Auschwitz y, segundo, direccionado a evitar que nuevas expresiones de barbarie como esta se repitan. Adorno expone las categorías éticas en Meditaciones sobre la metafísica en su obra Dialéctica Negativa.
This article is an inquiry into the concept of metaphysical experience through a joint discussion of two authors and philosophers with different approaches that nevertheless converge in the reclamation of the concept and rely both on the experience of death as an example. In both cases, the authors are guided by the central problem of how not to relinquish metaphysical experience to unscrutinized immediacy or a powerful conversion which enjoins subjection, putting it in contact with aesthetics and ethics at once. Theodor Adorno situates metaphysical experience as a problem of philosophy of history and devotes attention to the contemporary possibility of experiences that evoke transcendence. The transformations he identifies in the concept also lead him to propose art as a domain where metaphysical experience is alive. The implicit personal investment Adorno makes is much more clear in Lacoue-Labarthe who, in a dialogue with Maurice Blanchot, shows the experience as deeply bound up with literature and its links to subjectivity. The article argues that the main difference between the two approaches is modal and temporal from the side of the object, aside from the different modes of interrogation recognized with the labels deconstruction and critical theory.
La sfida del nominalismo alla realtà degli universali (sia in filosofia che in teologia) è stata un motore del pensiero moderno. Tradotta in termini estetici, ha favorito la resistenza alle generiche convenzioni e ha contribuito a minare le nozioni essenzialiste della forma estetica. Theodor W. Adorno ebbe una risposta tipicamente dialettica al nominalismo, plaudendo alla sua sovversione delle reificazioni categoriche, ma allarmato dal suo livellamento indiscriminato della distinzione tra concetto e oggetto, che poteva anche cancellare la distinzione tra opere d'arte e oggetti di uso quotidiano. In termini musicali, ha apprezzato l'enfasi nominalista sui singoli lavori rispetto alle generiche categorie formali e ha elogiato la rivoluzione atonale di Arnold Schoenberg. Ma era anche consapevole del fatto che, portato all'estremo, il nominalismo poteva condurre al dominio soggettivo di una natura considerata priva di proprie caratteristiche essenziali. Nella sua tardiva riflessione sulla musique informelle, ammirò una musica che evitava sia le categorie reificate che il dominio soggettivo dell'apparente contingenza del mondo materiale, una musica che esprimeva un nominalismo che avrebbe potuto essere meglio chiamato "magico" piuttosto che "convenzionale".
This essay focuses on the relationship between solipsism and aesthetic subjectivity, as outlined in Adorno’s Aesthetic Theory. As he mentions, according to dialectical materialism, solipsism gained actuality within (radical) modernism as general “standpoint”, realized in atomistic society through “reified division of labor”. This also applies to artistic production. At the same time, solipsism constitutes a long standing philosophical hypothesis, which concerns the truth value of perception, thus imitating the “subjective point of reference in art”. Therefore, Adorno’s brief statements on the relationship between epistemological solipsism and immanent artistic subjectivity designate different phenomena under the same heading; these concern sociological, cognitive and existential aspects of artistic creation and aesthetic experience, sedimented in the artwork’s content. However, he often undertakes abrupt conceptual transitions within them. In this essay, I mainly focus on the cognitive aspect, especially on the relationship between solipsism and art’s “subjective point of reference”. For this purpose, I reconstruct Adorno’s relevant ideas on the role of subjectivity within art and relate them to his elaborated analysis of the process of aesthetic experience. Finally, I scrutinize the value of this non-apodictic truth and its relationship to particular aspects of “truth-content” and to Adorno’s redemption of the artwork’s fragile ontological status, its semblance character.
Ця розмова соціяльного філософа Теодора Адорно, представника критичної теорії суспільства, з Гельмутом Бекером, політичним публіцистом і теоретиком освіти, відбулася 1966 року й була опублікована у збірці філософського-освітніх робіт Теодора Адорно, що мала назву «Виховання до повноліття». У цій розмові Адорно та Бекер критично розглянули множину аспектів тодішньої західнонімецької освіти, яка, на їхнє переконання, не виконувала власне основне завдання – своєю роботою вона не сприяла представникам західнонімецького юнацтва стати соціяльно активними людьми. За Адорно та Бекером, тодішня освіта не виховувала їх як членів демократичного суспільства, як людей, котрі мусять самостійно застосовувати власний розум у суспільстві, демократичні зміни в якому повинні мати сталий характер. Розмірковуючи про мету правильного виховання, ці німецькі інтелектуали визначили суть демократії втіленням такого політичного врядування, котре вимагає активного застосування свого розуму будь-яким членом суспільства. Таким чином, свідомість окремої людини, активізована виховним впливом на себе освіти, що розуміє правильну мету своєї роботи, здатна протистояти впливу на себе соціяльної ідеології конформістського суспільства, реальність якого має виразні ознаки культурної стаґнації. Таку людину Адорно та Бекер погодилися називали повнолітньою людиною. Однак, на їхню думку, освіта, що тримається традиційних засад виховання зумовлює формування такої раціональної адаптації людини до соціяльного світу, що лише збільшує міру її конформізму. Також вони назвали наслідком впливу цієї соціяльної ідеології на свідомість людини її нездатність триматися досвіду, отриманого нею в суспільстві, що її уречевлює. Тому ці німецькі інтелектуали звернули свою увагу на явище первинного, дошкільного виховання дитини, зауважили також й особливости періоду статевого дозрівання, запропонувавши розуміти їх можливими чинниками успішного подолання засобів традиційного виховання. Адорно та Бекер вважали, що нова освіта, здійснюючи оновлене виховання, мусить дієво застосовувати у своєму процесі спонтанність особистого мислення людини. Водночас ця єдність освіти та виховання, дієво уможливлюючи процес індивідуації окремої людини, руйнуватиме ідеологічну тенденцію збереження у вихованні принципу антиіндивідуалізму. Останнє відбуватиметься завдяки активній участи нового індивідуума, людини, яка здатна чинити свідомий опір будь-яким ідеологічним впливам на колективну свідомість суспільства.
Hamlet or Europe and the end of modern Trauerspiel. On some shakespearians motifs in Walter Benjamin
(2019)
Hamlet’s character sets, under different shapes and extents, the benchmark against which a large part of the European philosophy of the very long «short twentieth-century» behind us has had to measure. In the name of Hamlet as the most enigmatic among Shakespeare’s creatures, even Europe, its spirit and destiny, is identified, according to the well-known claim by Paul Valery.
Common trait to a big part of these interpretations – from the juvenile works of Pavel Florenskij and Lev S. Vygotskij (respectively written in 1905 and 1915) to Carl Schmitt’s Hamlet oder Ekuba. Der Einbruch der Zeit in das Spiel (1956) – is offered by the detection, in Hamlet’s figure, of the contradiction inherent to an epochal transition: the time of an unresolved passage between two ages that only knows the endless pain of an “interim”. My paper concerns the possibility to interpret Hamlet’s time as the time of an “interim” in light of Benjamin’s claims about Shakespeare’s drama contained in his book on the German Trauerspiel.
While Florenskij interprets Hamlet’s time as tragic and the figure of Hamlet as a tragic one, in my essay - moving from some observations on the " Hamlet Problem " by the young Franz Rosenzweig - I consider the original Benjaminian thesis about the character and the drama of Hamlet as the end of the modern Trauerspiel. Starting from a statement by Theodor Adorno in the famed Hornberger Brief to Benjamin of August 2, 1935, I outline, therefore, how Benjamin characterizes the figure of Hamlet. This, from his early writings on the relationship between tragedy and Trauerspiel up to the great book on the Origin of the German Trauerspiel.
In the frame of Benjamin’s interpretation, exactly by virtue of its distance from the thesis on the duality of tragedy (evoked by Florenskij’s interpretation as well as other ones), the Shakespearian theatrum of consciousness, paradigmatically represented in the figure of Hamlet and in the intimately dialectic character of his drama, is accounted for as necessary correlate of the Cartesian’s theatrum of consciousness. From a theoretical point of view, the Benjaminian characterization of Hamlet's figure reveals, therefore, something of the nature of modern consciousness and of consciousness in general in relation to the problem of truth and its representation. Hence the end of modern Trauerspiel coincides with the original incompleteness of its time. Consequently, I also claim Hamlet's dramatic figure to represent the aporetic characters of modern politics. This contrasts the thesis of Carl Schmitt who (in direct controversy with Benjamin) speaks, instead, of the Shakespearean drama as an expression of a pre-modern barbaric time.
Статтю «Нотатка про гуманітарну науку та освіту» німецький соціяльний філософ Теодор Адорно, представник критичної теорії суспільства, опублікував 1962 року. У цій філософсько-освітній роботі Теодор Адорно продовжив попередню тему свого критичного розгляду цілісної єдности елементів культури індустріально-масового соціуму, які сприяють утвердженню в суспільству його ідеології як цілком панівної. На переконання Теодора Адорно, сукупний вплив тих елементів, зокрема, культуріндустрії, системної філософії, науково орієнтованого пізнання тощо на колективну свідомість західних європейців виконує функцію дієвого чинника владного контролю над їхнім спільним життям. У своїх філософсько-освітніх творах Теодор Адорно здійснив також критичний напад на шкільну та університетську освіту повоєнної Західної Німеччини. Ця освіта, на думку філософа, залишається традиційно незмінною, що унеможливлює будь-які серйозні антиідеологічні перетворення в її системі. Такі зміни завдяки оновленому освітньому процесу сприяли б вихованню молодого громадянина, свідомого й активного учасника демократичних перетворень у посттоталітарному суспільстві. Однак, за Теодором Адорно, освітній процес у нереформованому університеті залишається керованим передовсім носіями сцієнтичної свідомості, що жодним чином не сприяє антиідеологічному вихованню студентів. У цій роботі Теодор Адорно зауважив особливе значення для освіти гуманітарних наук, які німецькою мовою перекладають як «науки про дух», традиційно присутніх у німецькій університетській освіті. На його переконання, гуманітарні науки, як науки про дух, через превалювання в освітньому процесі «диктату наукового ідеалу» втратили присутність у собі чинника індивідуального духу людини. Ознаками наявності того явища в університетській освіті Теодор Адорно назвав: абсолютний пріоритет серед гуманітарних студій досліджень наукового характеру, відсутність особистої педагогічної роботи викладача зі студентом-гуманітарієм, тенденція боротьби носія уречевленої наукової свідомости проти будь-якого відмінного знання, єдність соціяльного та теоретичного конформізму носія тої сцієнтичної свідомості. Як і в инших своїх філософських роботах Теодор Адорно запропонував убачати особисту діяльність людини, зумовлену силою її індивідуального духу, тим природним чинником, який здатний вести безупинну особисту боротьбу з тими неґативними явищами в освіти, що заводять на ідеологічні манівці освітній процес в університеті та в освіті загалом.
O tema geral do presente artigo trata da antropologia histórica encontrada em “The Authoritarian Personality” e fundamentada em “Dialética do Esclarecimento”. Especificamente, abordaremos a conceituação que compreende as movimentações pulsionais (segundo leitura da teoria freudiana) enquanto natureza interna, fundamento da concepção da antropologia aqui debatida. Com isso, ao falarmos de antropologia e de natureza, não estamos nos referindo a concepções imutáveis e “biologizantes”, mas a noções históricas e contextuais. Para tanto, iremos nos voltar à “Ideia de história natural” adorniana, precisamente à dialética entre história e natureza. No texto, Adorno trata de dois movimentos de tal dialética: uma concepção de Lukács, para quem elementos da história se tornam naturalizados enquanto segundo natureza, o que pode ser exemplificado com o esquematismo hollywoodiano promovido pela indústria cultural; o segundo movimento, sob influência de Walter Benjamin, trata da transitoriedade histórica da natureza, quando resquícios arcaicos reprimidos pelo sentido histórico dominante ressurgem, tornando-se possibilidade de outra orientação histórica. Este debate se mostra importante justamente porque se encontra no cerne da relação entre economia-política/sociologia e psicanálise, os domínios teóricos mais relevantes para a primeira geração da Teoria Crítica. Por mais que pensemos que há uma antropologia implícita para Horkheimer e Adorno – que enxergariam o ser humano enquanto naturalmente agressivo e destruidor –, o nosso intuito é mostrar que, se a antropologia e a natureza são históricas, o ser humano age a partir da pulsão de morte justamente porque o meio social que o forma é ele mesmo dominador, violento, reificado e alienante.
Este artigo apresenta a contribuição de Theodor W. Adorno para a configuração de uma educação capaz de enfrentar os irracionalismos contemporâneos, por meio de uma retomada da definição da dialética como crítica do pensamento filosófico. Este tem, modernamente, se limitado a enlevar a racionalidade à máxima potência, sem se debruçar sobre os efeitos de suas promessas não cumpridas. A obra de Adorno é reconhecida por uma propugnação segundo a qual cabe à filosofia a tarefa da reflexão crítica e do esclarecimento da forma como a cultura se organiza. Tal proposição leva a um projeto teórico que pressupõe a tomada de consciência sobre os descaminhos da razão, numa tentativa de que, por intermédio do esclarecimento, o homem possa construir possibilidades de autonomia e emancipação. O artigo se organiza em duas partes, assim apresentados: 1. Ambições tórico-práticas da teoria crítica da sociedade e 2) Fios que tecem a teoria crítica de T. W. Adorno, este dividido em três tópicos: a) O clima cultural geral do capitalismo tardio - a propensão à barbárie; b) Falência da cultura - razão objetiva da barbárie; c) Reflexos da vida danificada: o adoecimento do contato.
O presente artigo tem por objetivo tecer uma reflexão crítica acerca da "paixão" enunciada pela campanha de marketing da empresa de combustíveis Ipiranga, a partir das contribuições teóricas formuladas por Adorno e Horkheimer, teóricos da Escola de Frankfurt, no que concerne ao conceito de Indústria Cultural. Salientamos, desde já, que este ensaio não visa a estudar epistemologicamente a referida Escola, mas sim a apontar a atualidade do conceito de "indústria cultural". Em vista da atual crença na felicidade a partir do consumo idealizado de mercadorias, disseminados pela publicidade, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo tecer uma reflexão crítica acerca da Indústria Cultural contemporânea e suas implicações psicossociais na atual constituição das subjetividades, a partir da Teoria Crítica. Tomamos como exemplar da referida Indústria o slogan publicitário: "Apaixonados por carro como todo brasileiro", que divulga como "cultura de massa" esta "paixão". Metodologicamente procedemos a uma revisão de conceitos da Escola de Frankfurt vinculados à racionalidade técnico-instrumental moderna, apontando a atualidade do conceito de "indústria cultural" e diferenciando-o de uma cultura originária das massas. A pesquisa empírica, cuja estratégia metodológica consistiu em recolhermos depoimentos de internautas em 12 sites relacionados à temática do slogan, visou investigar as atuais formas de adesão/resistência ao referido slogan. Em nossa leitura teórico-crítica dos depoimentos, apesar das formas de adesão fascinadas serem majoritárias, também detectamos formas de resistência; o que nos aponta que esta "paixão", como muitas outras proclamadas pela indústria cultural, não emerge espontaneamente dos brasileiros, mas que, em verdade, foi construída para os brasileiros – forma atualizada do fetichismo da mercadoria.
Nesse ensaio pretendemos apresentar aquilo que entendemos ser o estatuto teórico da Teoria Crítica e, a partir disso, explorar o diálogo que Jürgen Habermas faz com essa tradição. Através da apresentação das proposições de Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno e Herbert Marcuse, pretendemos evidencias como Habermas tem assumido o compromisso ético-político pela transformação social e pela emancipação humana que caracteriza o projeto frankfurtiano desde a primeira geração, assim como por meio da crítica aos antigos mestres elabora a ampliação do significado da racionalidade a partir de um novo marco de interpretação, para além da redução à razão instrumental. Finalmente, com essa discussão poderemos assinalar como sua proposta para a Teoria Crítica oferece elementos imprescindíveis para a contrução de uma Psicologia Social Crítica.
Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar o tema da regulação da conduta em pesquisa, passados mais de dois anos da vigência da Resolução do Conselho Nacional de Saúde (CNS) nº 510/2016. São investigadas três perspectivas (formativa, filosófica e normativa) para verificar as possibilidades de autonomia ética na pesquisa em contraposição à heteronomia normativa, especialmente no campo educacional, como parte das Ciências Humanas, Sociais e Sociais Aplicadas (CHSSA). A análise tem como principal base teórica a obra de Theodor W. Adorno e é realizada especialmente com base em uma das questões motivadoras da Teoria Crítica da Sociedade, qual seja, a possibilidade de emancipação (autonomia) do indivíduo na sociedade administrada.
Neste artigo, propõe-se uma confrontação entre a teoria dos signos de Gotthold E. Lessing, tal como exposta em Laocoonte ou sobre as fronteiras da pintura e da poesia (1766), e os dois ensaios de Theodor W. Adorno sobre as relações entre música e pintura (de 1950 e 1965). Pretende-se, com isso, demonstrar a presença decisiva de elementos da estética clássica alemã no pensamento adorniano do pós-guerra; em particular, observa-se o modo pelo qual a teoria racionalista de Lessing atua na abordagem dialética adorniana a respeito da irredutibilidade formal dos meios artísticos e das possibilidades de sua convergência. À luz de tal confrontação, discutem-se, em um segundo momento do artigo, os temas da conferência de Adorno de 1966, A arte e as artes, que, em certa medida, consubstancia a discussão dos ensaios anteriores sobre música e pintura. Assinala-se, nesse contexto, a continuidade da posição teórica de Adorno e se apresentam as diferenças entre o processo de pseudomorfose e o de imbricação (Verfransung) dos meios artísticos, segundo o filósofo.
O artigo trata da análise crítica de Jürgen Habermas da redefinição do papel político da Europa, mais voltada para a justiça social e a solidariedade, para um viés predominantemente econômico, de versão mais econômico-liberal, mais próxima da produtividade e da concorrência. A mudança política da integração europeia busca reforçar o pilar econômico da união monetária pela implementação de programas de ajustamento econômico do FMI. A consequência da opção da União Europeia por uma Europa-mercado de formato neoliberal é o desmonte do Estado social (mais voltado para justiça social) e a corrosão do elemento democrático das democracias nacionais (o esvaziamento da democracia). A consequência política dessa opção pelo neoliberalismo é a centralização supranacional de competências reguladoras para agências e organismos transnacionais europeus (Banco Central Europeu, Comissão Europeia, Tribunal Europeu, Parlamento Europeu), que lidam com acordos, contratos e tratados internacionais que deveriam funcionar como equivalentes de uma regulação política. O problema é a aprovação, a portas fechadas, de medidas que visam o controle da política econômica em detrimento da coordenação política. Isso implica a imposição de resoluções em áreas centrais de responsabilidade dos parlamentos dos Estados membros, potencializando nos Estados nacionais os problemas de legitimação necessária para implementar as políticas recomendadas de cima, explicitando a falha na construção da união monetária pela ausência dos instrumentos de uma política econômica comum.
O presente artigo versa sobre a «musealização» da arte a partir de um ponto de vista estético. Evocando o ensaio Museum Valéry Proust de Theodor W. Adorno, procuraremos compreender o processo de «musealização» da arte como condição efetiva de possibilidade da sua experiência estética. As posições sobre a matéria avançadas por Valéry em Le problème des musées e por Proust em A l’ombre des jeunes filles en fleurs, tal como apresentadas por Adorno, constituem a pedra de toque deste artigo. Pretenderemos, assim, discutir a questão da experiência (subjetiva) do objeto artístico como potencialidade de configuração da sua «segunda vida» [Zweites Leben], oposta aos processos de neutralização cultural de tal objeto. Os recentes estudos de Dario Gamboni dedicados a Odilon Redon – e à sua conceção de art suggestif, que integra uma singular perspetivação de experiência estética – serão, também, tratados.
This article is an attempt to re-read the magnum opus of Adorno's philosophy, namely Aesthetic Theory, using an interpretative key offered by Agata Bielik-Robson's book entitled Jewish Cryptotheologies of Late Modernity: Philosophical Marranos. This interpretative key, called by the Author The Marrano Strategy implemented to Adorno's late philosophy allows us to investigate the common points of Adorno's theory of art criticism and modern Jewish thought. Therefore the main question of this text concerns the characteristics of Jewishness and messianicity (Scholem, Derrida) in Adorno's Aesthetic Theory. The thesis that I am attempting to justify is as follows: the implementation of Marrano strategy to the modern art criticism redefines and reverses the relationship between the particular element and the universal domain. Consequently, this dialectical 'appreciation' of the particular establishes a common conceptual field for critical thinking and traditional, religious motifs.
Український переклад роботи німецького філософа-неомарксиста Теодора Адорно «Виховання після Аушвіца» присвячений 75-тій річниці визволення в’язнів нацистського концентраційного табору Аушвіц. У цій роботі, яку Теодор Адорно зачитав як доповідь на Гесенському радіо 18-го квітня 1966 року, була продовжена попередня тема особливого значення – плекання в посттоталітарному суспільстві нової, антиідеологічної освіти як засобу гуманістичного виховного впливу на нього. Теодор Адорно запропонував своїм слухачам убачати як гуманістичну потребу для посттоталітарного суспільства поширення в його культурному просторі через освіту особистого розуміння кожною людиною власної провини за трагедію Аушвіца. На переконання філософа, у такий спосіб уможливлюється відновлення цивілізованости співбуття людини та суспільства, а також це унеможливить повторення жахіть концентраційного табору Аушвіц. Иншим чинником, що має не допустити повернення злочинів Аушвіца, Теодор Адорно назвав наявність знання про ґенезу авторитарного характеру, який є соціально-психологічною причиною страждань безневинних людей. Розглянувши соціокультурні та антропологічні чинники виникнення авторитарного характеру, Адорно визначив безсумнівну психологічну залежність носіїв маніпулятивного характеру від авторитарної влади. Витоки останньої німецький філософ знаходить в наявному стані европейської культури як такої, що втратила духовну енерґію, потрібну для власних перетворень. Відповідно до своїх основних філософсько-освітніх переконань, Адорно постулював нову освіту як антиідеологічне просвітництво, як знання, яке виховує насамперед політично обізнаного молодого громадянина, як дієвий засіб, що перешкоджає поверненню авторитарної влади, а отже й повторенню Аушвіца.
This article discusses freedom of movement under the lens of shifting boundaries of membership and traces the tension between the political and the economic rationale of European integration. It first reflects on the normativity of free movement and links it to the foundations of modern democratic citizenship. Subsequently, it discusses the role of free movement in the construction of EU citizenship and argues that the genesis in market integration casts a long shadow which hinders EU citizenship's potential to fully display the logic of political and social equality. Under current conditions of huge wealth discrepancies between member states, the prevailing form of horizontal integration necessarily brings about a tension between mobility and solidarity, which in turn creates a barrier for further developing EU citizenship. It is concluded that strengthening an intra‐European dimension of solidarity is needed in order to substantiate the right to move as an equal European citizenship right.
Recent years have witnessed a revival of interest in Marcuse's critical theory. This can be partly ascribed to Marcuse's interdisciplinary approach to humanities and social sciences. Many of Marcuse's ideas and concepts are tacitly present in contemporary social and ecological movements. Contemporary literature on Marcuse is positively inclined to his theory while the critique of Marcuse dates back to the '70s, and remains largely unimpaired. This fact poses significant challenges to the revival of Marcuse's critical theory. This study sets out to report on current interest in Marcuse's critical theory trying to correct "past injustices" by responding to negative criticism. The main flaw of such criticism - as we see it - is in failing to perceive interdisciplinary character of Marcuse's critical theory. Marcuse's renaissance cannot be complete without, to use dialectical term, sublating the history of negative criticism.
L’omaggio di due amici
(2019)
Il primo maggio del 2009 è stato celebrato presso il St Anthony’s College di Oxford l’ottantesimo compleanno di Ralf Dahrendorf. Nell’occasione si è tenuto, in sua presenza, un seminario internazionale nel quale si è affrontato, nelle diverse prospettive tipiche delle scienze sociali, il topos della libertà, un tema che è stato la stella polare della sua vita di pensatore a cavallo tra mondo accademico ed impegno politico. L’evento è stato coordinato dal professor Timothy Garton Ash che SMP ringrazia caldamente per aver autorizzato la pubblicazione, qui di seguito, di due importanti interventi ora raccolti nel libro da lui stesso curato On Liberty.The Dahrendorf Questions (University of Oxford, 2009).
Axel Honneth desenvolve o conceito de reconhecimento, encarado como uma necessidade fundamental do ser-humano, de forma a constituir-se no núcleo de uma teoria da justiça que procura especificar as condições intersubjetivas de autorrealização individual. Apresenta-se uma teoria da justiça assente na reconstrução das práticas e condições de reconhecimento já institucionalizadas, analisando as instituições sociais em um sentido amplo. Pretende-se aproximar a concepção normativa da justiça da análise sociológica das sociedades modernas, através da reconstrução normativa e ao colocar a ênfase na liberdade social, baseada na dimensão intersubjetiva das instituições de reconhecimento. A liberdade social prevê o acesso às instituições de reconhecimento. Um dos objetivos é esboçar os problemas desse avanço interpretativo da teoria crítica do reconhecimento, pelo que iremos convocar a teoria da luta pelo reconhecimento de Honneth, incluir a sua reactualização mais recente do Direito de Hegel e explorar a sua proposta normativa para as condições de uma vida ética.
En el presente escrito, proponemos pensar al trabajo como socialización desde la Teoría del Reconocimiento de Axel Honneth. Para ello, efectuaremos previamente una aproximación, por separado, a las nociones de socialización y trabajo en la perspectiva teórica de Honneth. Ello nos permitirá dilucidar al trabajo como caso de socialización y extraer algunas conclusiones en torno al carácter material de la socialización en una sociedad estructurada en términos de lucha de clases.
Axel Honneth的認肯理論及其教育蘊義
(2019)
本研究旨在探究Axel Honneth的認肯理論,並闡釋其在教育上的意義。本研究基於運用哲學思考法與文本詮釋學方法對Honneth的認肯理論進行理解、分析與重構出認肯理論的重要面向與實踐意涵。首先,對認肯理論的理 論基礎進行探究,並分析認肯理論的結構與相應原則;其次,將Honneth認肯理論放在其所運用的個體情感發展、社會機制反思與法理政治實踐層面進行具體分析,闡釋對現代性影響下各行動領域之發展與問題的分析;最後,基於前述對Honneth認肯理論的研究,分析在當今民主社會中教育存在之病態與可能性,並在情感、法理與社會層級中,以自愛、自尊與自我實現為目 標,具體從認知、情意與技能三面向提出在教育上的理論面與應用面的蘊義.
Rezension: HONNETH, A.: Reificación. Un estudio en la teoría del reconocimiento. Traducción de Graciela Calderón. Buenos Aires, Katz, 2007
Obwohl „materielle Kultur“ ein eher schwach konturiertes Theoriekonzept darstellt und die Relevanz des Materiellen bis heute kontrovers bewertet wird, ist in den letzten fünf Jahrzehnten das Interesse an der Erforschung materieller Kultur deutlich angestiegen. Als „ein Projekt in der Geschichte der Kulturwissenschaften“, das Züge eines travelling concepts trägt, ist materielle Kultur ein Impulsgeber für konzeptuelle und methodologische Innovationen. Zudem vermag sie neue empirische Felder zu erschließen und hat das Potenzial, grundlegende epistemische Probleme wie jenes der Alterität zu überwinden. Der Beitrag skizziert richtungsweisende Entwicklungen der vergangenen Dekaden auf diesem Gebiet und zeigt deren innovative Potenziale an drei konkreten Beispielen: der symmetrischen Anthropologie Bruno Latours, der materialorientierten Herangehensweise Tim Ingolds und dem konsumtheoretischen Ansatz Daniel Millers
Um leitor de Walter Benjamin: dialética, interpretação e materialismo em Theodor W. Adorno, 1931-2
(2019)
O objetivo do artigo édiscutir a influência do livro Origem do drama trágico alemão(1928) de Walter Benjamin sobre duas preleções de Theodor W. Adorno na Universidade de Frankfurt, a saber: “A atualidade da filosofia” (1931) e “A ideia de história natural” (1932). Com isso, procurou-se, por um lado, indicar especificamente a influência benjaminiana sobre a ideia de constelação e, por outro, esclarecer as fundações histórico-filosóficas da ideia de história natural, que se encontram no centro das reflexões epistemológicas deAdorno. Dessa maneira, é possível compreender as concepções de dialética, interpretação e materialismo trabalhadas por Adorno com o propósito de caracterizar sua própria tarefa filosófica no início da década de 1930.
This article aims to shed light on some core challenges of liberating social criticism. Its centerpiece is an intuitively attractive account of the nature and difficulty of critical social thought that nevertheless goes missing in many philosophical conversations about critique. This omission at bottom reflects the fact that the account presupposes a philosophically contentious conception of rationality. Yet the relevant conception of rationality does in fact inform influential philosophical treatments of social criticism, including, very prominently, a left Hegelian strand of thinking within contemporary Critical Theory. Moreover, it is possible to mount a defense of the conception by reconstructing, if with various qualifications and additions, an argument from classic—i.e., mid twentieth-century—Anglo-American philosophy of the social sciences, in particular, the argument that forms the backbone of Peter Winch’s The Idea of a Social Science. Winch draws his guiding insights from the later philosophy of Wittgenstein, and one of the payoffs of considering Winch’s Wittgenstein-inspired work against the backdrop of Hegel-inspired work in Critical Theory is to contest the artificial professional strictures that are sometimes taken to speak against reaching across the so-called ‘Continental Divide’ in philosophy. The larger payoff is advancing, by means of this philosophically ecumenical approach, the enterprise of liberating social thought.
The following article attempts to clarify the ambivalent relationship that Max Horkheimer and Herbert Marcuse developed with the vitalist and phenomenological tendencies that permeated philosophy and the social sciences during the Weimar Republic. More precisely, it traces how both thinkers, in spite of acknowledging the “truth moment” contained in the criticism that the philosophical exponents of both movements (Husserl, Bergson, Dilthey) developed of 19th century positivism, also recognized in its shallow popularization the advancement of a dangerous philosophical irrationalism, suspicious of science and Enlightenment values, that would soon become an accomplice to the rise of fascism.
Das Projekt „Geo-Social Analysis of Physicians' Settlement" (kurz GAP) wurde ins Leben gerufen, um potentielle Lücken in der ambulanten medizinischen Versorgung deutscher Großstädte aufzudecken, insbesondere in Bezug auf den sozioökonomischen Status der in einem Praxisumfeld lebenden Bewohner. In der vorliegenden Studie erfolgte die Untersuchung des Niederlassungsverhaltens von Ärzten und Psychotherapeuten in Berlin-West im Hinblick auf sozioökonomische, demographische und topographische Faktoren.
Das Untersuchungsgebiet Berlin-West wurde in 251 Praxisumfelder untergliedert. Für diese wurden Daten zu Einwohnerzahl, Altersstruktur und Wohnlage sowie Arbeitslosen- und Ausländerquoten zusammengetragen. In vergleichenden Analysen konnten dann die Unterschiede im Niederlassungsverhalten der 20 Fachgebietskategorien hinsichtlich des sozialen Status der Praxisumfelder herausgearbeitet werden. Weitere Auswertungen beinhalteten eine genderspezifische Praxisumfeld-Analyse sowie Analysen nach Praxisform, Fremdsprachenkenntnissen der Ärzte und Psychotherapeuten sowie des Praxis-Jahres-Überschusses als Maß für das ärztliche Einkommen.
Im Rahmen einer Fachgebiet-Sozialindikatoren-Analyse ergab sich weder für die hausärztliche noch für den Großteil der fachärztlichen Versorgung in Berlin-West eine signifikante Bevorzugung von Gebieten mit einem höheren sozialen Status. Lediglich für die Gruppe der Ärztlichen und Psychologischen Psychotherapeuten zeigte sich, dass diese eindeutig vermehrt in Gegenden mit hohem sozialen Status niedergelassen sind. In der Gender-Analyse konnte gezeigt werden, dass Ärztinnen und Psychotherapeutinnen sozial schwächere Gegenden seltener als Niederlassungsstandort wählen. Im Rahmen einer Störfaktoren-Analyse konnten Zentrumsdistanz und Einwohnerdichte als mögliche Einflussfaktoren auf die Standortwahl der Ärzte und Psychotherapeuten ausgeschlossen werden.
Insgesamt zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass über eine Unterteilung der einzelnen Großstädte in mehrere Planungsbereiche – statt sie wie bisher als einen einzelnen großen zu betrachten – nachgedacht werden sollte. Um die medizinischen Bedürfnisse der sozial schlechter gestellten Bevölkerung besser abdecken zu können, wäre die Einführung eines Sozialfaktors, ähnlich dem des bereits existierenden Demographiefaktors (zur Anpassung an die Altersstruktur der Bevölkerung) für die Berechnung des tatsächlichen Ärztebedarfs empfehlenswert. Auf diese Art und Weise könnte zukünftig eine bedarfsgerechtere Planung der Ärzteverteilung erfolgen und somit ein gleichmäßigerer Zugang zu ambulanter vertragsärztlicher Versorgung für alle GKV-Versicherten gewährleistet werden.
Anfang der 1990er Jahre haben die anglophonen Geographien damit begonnen, sich mit dem Verhältnis von Psychoanalyse und Stadt auseinanderzusetzen. Ausgehend hiervon kam es Anfang der 2000er Jahre zum Ausruf eines psychoanalytic turn und zur Etablierung von Subdisziplinen, wie den psychoanalytic geographies und der psychoanalytic planning theory, die in den letzten Jahren zu etablierten Bestandteilen der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit Städten im anglophonen Raum geworden sind. Da ein solcher turn hierzulande ausgeblieben ist, stellt sich dieser Beitrag die Frage nach dem Potential einer psychoanalytischen Stadtforschung im deutschsprachigen Raum. Hierzu verfolgt der Autor die These, dass die Stadt bereits in ihrer Entstehung durch das Unbewusste heimgesucht wird. Das urbane Unbewusste kennzeichnet eine Art konstitutiven Störfaktor, der sich in die Topologie der Stadt einschreibt und die Stadt als Objekt (der Stadtforschung) in letzter Instanz unmöglich macht. Ausgehend von dieser Unmöglichkeit, geht der Beitrag den Fantasien rund um die sozialen, politischen und materiellen Verhältnisse einer Stadt nach. Fantasien spielen aus Sicht der psychoanalytischen Stadtforschung eine zentrale Rolle, um der Stadt eine illusorische Konsistenz zu verleihen und das urbane Unbewusste auf Distanz zu halten. Sie ermöglichen es, sich die Stadt vorzustellen, sie zu fühlen und über sie zu sprechen. Der Beitrag endet schließlich mit ein paar Worten zu den Herausforderungen einer künftigen Erschließung der Psychoanalyse für kritische Stadtforschung.
Die seit der jüngeren Bronzezeit verstärkt auftretenden Bogenschützen und Schleuderer bedurften eines spezifischen Trainings und einer Ausbildung, die weg vom Individualkämpfer zum Kämpfer im Verbund ausgerichtet war. Dieser Prozess wird als Professionalisierung in der Kriegsführung und als einschneidende Veränderung im Konfliktgeschehen in der Bronzezeit verstanden. Der Begriff der Professio nalisierung wird daher zunächst in seiner technischen Bedeutung verwendet. Mit der Entwicklung von einer individuellen zu einer organisierten und in der Gruppe ausgeübten Aktion sind eine Steigerung der Effizienz und eine Standardisierung verbunden, die zur Verbesserung der Qualität – eben dem bewaffneten Konflikt führt. Seit der jüngeren Mittelbronzezeit und in der Spätbronzezeit sind durch spektakuläre neue Befunde Befestigungen bekannt geworden, die Spuren von Angriffen und Zerstörungen durch Brand/ Feuer aufweisen. Dabei kamen Fernwaffen zum Einsatz, Pfeil und Bogen sowie Schleuderkugeln und Speere. Jedoch scheinen solche Konflikte keine alltäglichen Ereignisse gewesen zu sein, da von den meisten Befestigungen keine Hinweise auf Konflikte oder Gewaltereignisse vorliegen.
Foreword
(2019)
Conflicts are shaping our life and influencing most of our behaviour. In the recent years, conflict archaeology has developed into a growing sub-discipline. This article tries to go beyond the traditional concepts of conflict archaeology that mainly addressing violence. We advocate widening the view on conflicts by including different levels of conflict escalation as well as of conflict de-escalation. Archaeological indicators for all of these facets of conflicts are discussed. Here, we concentrate on fortifications which are sensitive indicators of historical, social, economic and cultural processes and hence are able to indicate different facets of conflicts and not only violence. In this context, we also consider territoriality as relevant, because it is a kind of regulation, preventing conflicts from further escalation. The article presents a simple scheme of conflict archaeology which extends the traditional approach and provides deeper insights in human behaviour and its rational.
Vorwort
(2019)
There has been a burgeoning interest in the sociology of the Frankfurt School as well as the oeuvre of Theodor W. Adorno since the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald J. Trump. The objectives of this study are to both illustrate the enduring importance of Adorno and to provide an important theoretical outline in making sense of Trump’s 2016 United States presidential campaign. Using Adorno’s understudied textual analysis of the radio addresses of Martin Luther Thomas and data from Trump’s 2016 US presidential campaign, we find that Trump’s own discourse can be condensed into three of Adorno’s rhetorical devices: (1) the lone wolf device or anti-statism/pseudo-conservatism, reflecting his criticism of "special interests" and his appraisal of business and (self-)finance; (2) the movement device, which amounted to glorification of action; and (3) the exactitude of error device which amounted to xenophobic, ethnonationalist hyperbole.
Attachment theory is commonly used to investigate children’s psychosocial development. To demonstrate cultural variability and to advance the idea of attachment as a collective resource, we assessed children’s attachment networks during middle childhood among the Nseh, a Cameroonian clan with distinct concepts of family and childhood. Using photo elicitation interviews, we used an exploratory approach to investigate the structural and functional composition of these networks and to generate a comprehensive overview. Participants were 11 children (six girls and five boys), aged 6 to 10 years. Children took photos of individuals who were important to them and with whom they felt safe, comfortable, and at ease. Then, in follow-up interviews they were asked to characterize their attachment figures on sociostructural dimensions and to elaborate how those individuals made them feel comfortable and safe. Transcripts of the interviews were coded using ethnographic strategies. Initial descriptive codes were analyzed concerning key terms, semantic relationships, and their context of meaning, before assigning higher level codes to generate distinct main categories of functionality. Children described attachment networks that were structurally adapted to concepts of social ties and interactional norms of the clan. Concerning their functionality, children differentiated between peers, responsible for overt emotional needs, and adults, providing nutritional care. We conclude that this pattern reflects sources of security and concepts of care of the distinct developmental environment. We discuss the importance of context-specific and comprehensive approaches to attachment, moving beyond Eurocentric monotropic concepts, with the goal of developing a complex understanding of childhood across ecocultural settings.
Mistrust and social hierarchies as blind spots of ICT4D projects : lessons from Togo and Rwanda
(2019)
Information and communication technologies for development (ICT4D) are seen to have great potential for boosting democratization processes all over the world by giving people access to information and thereby empowering them to demand more accountability and transparency of authorities. Based on ethnographic research in Togo and Rwanda on an SMS-based citizen monitoring and evaluation system, this article argues that focusing on access to information is too narrow a view. We show that it is crucial to take into account the respective socio-political backgrounds, such as levels of mistrust or existing social hierarchies. In this context, mobile phone usage has rather varied and ambiguous meanings here. These dynamics can pose a challenge to the successful implementation of ICT4D projects aimed at political empowerment. By addressing these often overlooked issues, we offer explanations for the gap between ICT4D assumptions and people’s lifeworlds in Togo and Rwanda.
Die gegenwärtige Krise der Demokratie wird besonders sichtbar in der "symbolischen Dimension politischer Repräsentation". Diese Auffassung vertritt Paula Diehl in ihrem Aufsatz Demokratische Repräsentation und ihre Krise. "In Bildern, Inszenierungen und Diskursen werden sowohl demokratisierende als auch antidemokratische Konzepte 'getestet'. Erfahren sie Resonanz in der Öffentlichkeit und in der Bevölkerung, kann sich die Lage in die eine oder in die andere Richtung entwickeln. Denn Symbole aktivieren Vorstellungen über die politische Ordnung, Repräsentanten, Bürgerinnen und Bürger, über den Staat und auch darüber, wie politische Institutionen funktionieren sollen." So Paula Diehl im besagten Aufsatz, der Überlegungen bündelt, die sie in ihrer Studie Das Symbolische, das Imaginäre und die Demokratie. systematisch entfaltet hat. In dieser Arbeit analysiert Diehl den Zusammenhang zwischen den normativen Strukturen und der symbolischen Praxis eines demokratisch verfassten politischen Gemeinwesens. Beide bedingen sich gegenseitig. Die normative Struktur einer Gesellschaft findet den Grund ihrer Geltung und der Stabilität in der symbolischen Praxis; diese wiederum muss begriffen werden als Ausdruck der Prinzipien und Regeln der normativen Grundstruktur. Eine Krise des Politischen ist zu verstehen als Resultat und Ausdruck einer Störung in diesem wechselseitigen Bedingungsverhältnis von normativer Struktur und symbolischer Praxis der politischen Gemeinschaft. ...
There seems to be a wide agreement in critical geographic thought that Hegel is dead, as to end up with Hegel’s idealism serves to be the starting point for the materialist project of critical geographies. This paper aims to call this starting point into question by confronting Henri Lefebvre with Slavoj Žižek. While Lefebvre, one of the pioneers of materialist geographic thought, intensively worked on a metaphilosophical critique to open Hegel’s testament, Žižek’s Hegel supposed to pave the way for a new philosophical materialism. This paper seeks to claim that such a materialist Hegel not only survives the critical encounter of Lefebvre’s metaphilosophy, but also encourages us to inquire about the possibilities and consequences of a geographical turn to Hegel. What if there is a Hegel out there that geography has not even detected?
Die normative Assoziierung von Technikfolgenabschätzung (TA) mit der Habermas‘schen deliberativen Demokratietheorie ist weit verbreitet; eine tiefere Auseinandersetzung mit alternativen Demokratieverständnissen bleibt allerdings weitestgehend aus. Daher regt dieser Beitrag eine grundsätzliche Debatte über die demokratietheoretische Einbettung der TA und ihr Verhältnis zum Politischen an. Aufbauend auf der u. a. in dieser Zeitschrift geführten Diskussion über die (Un)Möglichkeit normativer Neutralität in der TA wird eine weiterführende Kritik am Anspruch der TA auf normative Fundierung hergeleitet. Mit der pluralen und radikalen Demokratietheorie von Laclau und Mouffe werden gesellschaftstheoretische Annahmen der an deliberativer Demokratie orientierten TA hinterfragt, und es wird für eine Politisierung und Pluralisierung der TA argumentiert
Die Basler Historikerin Caroline Arni legt eine inspirierende und materialreiche Studie dazu vor, wie die Wissenschaften vom Menschen im 19. Jahrhundert das Ungeborene als Wissensgegenstand erschlossen. Sie arbeitet die Beiträge der Fötalphysiologie, Embryologie, Psychiatrie, Psychologie und Psychoanalyse heraus und rekonstruiert, welchen historischen Konjunkturen die Vorstellung eines mütterlichen Einflusses auf die Entwicklung des Ungeborenen unterlag. Überzeugend zeigt sie auf, wie das Konzept der biologischen Entwicklung unlösbare Fragen danach aufwarf, was ein menschliches Subjekt ausmacht. Die höchst lesenswerte wissenschaftshistorische Studie bietet auch für die geschlechtertheoretische Erforschung von Schwangerschaft und Geburt in der Gegenwart eine Vielzahl von Anregungen.
Im Rahmen einer angewandten kritischen Geographie beschäftigen wir uns in unserer Masterarbeit mit Realen Utopien auf Quartiersebene und zeigen, dass eine alternative Neuausrichtung der Stadtplanung und -entwicklung nötig und möglich ist. Die Grundlage dafür bildet eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Begriff der Utopie und der Ebene des Quartiers. Das städtische Quartier bildet einen Möglichkeitsraum, einen space of hope (Harvey 2000), in dem Alternativen jenseits kapitalistischer Verwertungsinteressen praktiziert und gelebt werden können. Diesen Möglichkeitsraum gilt es vielfältig zu gestalten und gegenwärtigen, neoliberalen Stadtentwicklungs-paradigmen Reale Utopien(Wright 2017a) entgegenzustellen. Dabei stellt sich die Frage: Welche Gegenentwürfe zu aktuell herrschenden Paradigmen in der Stadtentwicklung zeigen uns Wege aus der Alternativlosigkeit und hin zu einer solidarischen Praxis auf Quartiersebene?Für die Beantwortung dieser Frage werden potentielle und bereits existierende Reale Utopien identifiziertund analysiert. In dieser Analyse werden Instrumente, Forderungen und Strategien herausgearbeitet, derer es Bedarf um Risse im kapitalistischem System auszuweiten, zu verteidigen und zu verstetigen. Die Ergebnisse lassen sich unter den Begriffen der Solidarität, Dekommodifi-zierung, Demokratisierung und Vergesellschaftung zusammenfassen. Sie sind die zentralen Bedin-gungen, die für die Verwirklichung Realer Utopien und damit für gesellschaftliche Transformation, entscheidend sind. Darauf basierendwird ein Kompass für ein solidarisches Quartier erarbeitet.
ISOE-Newsletter 05/2019
(2019)
Zukunft gestalten im Anthropozän: Gestaltungsprinzipien für eine kritische Nachhaltigkeitsforschung +++ Institutsbericht 2019 des ISOE erschienen +++ 30 Jahre ISOE: Aufbruch in die Gegenwart. Die sozial-ökologische Zukunft heute gestalten +++ Das ISOE auf Instagram +++ Forschungsergebnisse aus der Schweiz zu nachhaltigem Mobilitätsverhalten +++ Klimaanpassung in den Städten: Was Infrastrukturen dazu beitragen können +++ Kipppunkte in Ökosystemen: Maßnahmen zum Erhalt der Savannen im südlichen Afrika +++ Termine +++ Publikationen
ISOE-Newsletter 04/2019
(2019)
Alltagsprodukte aus Plastik: Chemikalienmix aus schädlichen und unbekannten Substanzen +++ Kooperationen zwischen Kommunen sichern Lebensqualität im ländlichen Raum +++ IAA im gesellschaftlichen Wandel: Wenn die Verkehrswende der Leitmesse die Show stiehlt +++ „Wasserwende“ gegen Versorgungsengpässe +++ Zielgruppengerechte Ansprache für energieeffizientes und sicheres Wohnen im Alter +++ Wasser in Plastik – Plastik im Wasser. Warum es schwierig ist, die Ökobilanz von PET-Flaschen zu erstellen +++ Lehrveranstaltungen im Wintersemester 2019/20 +++ ISOE unterstützt „Globale Aktionswoche gegen die Klimakrise“ +++ Aus dem ISOE +++ Termine +++ Publikationen
Leistung
(2019)
Das 20. Jahrhundert hat zahlreiche Begriffe seiner Selbstbeschreibung hervorgebracht: Die 'Leistungsgesellschaft' ist eine dieser gängigen Selbstzuschreibungen, die sich im Kern auf einen Begriff zurückführen lassen: 'Leistung' erscheint auf den ersten Blick als klar zu fassen - wenn nicht sogar mathematisch-physikalisch präzise definiert als 'Arbeit pro Zeit'. Doch erschöpft sich das Bedeutungsspektrum des Leistungsbegriffs in dieser Formel? Was will eine Gesellschaft von sich aussagen, wenn sie sich als 'Leistungsgesellschaft' versteht? Jasmin Brötz geht im Folgenden auf Nina Verheyens populärwissenschaftliche Vorschau (Die Erfindung der Leistung, München 2018) auf ihr Habilitationsprojekt ein. [...] Grundlegende These des Buches ist, dass in der Gesellschaft Leistung gemeinhin als "individuelle Leistung" verstanden wird. Kollektive Anteile an einer Leistung, so Verheyen, werden dabei systematisch ausgeblendet. Die Autorin wirbt daher für ein "soziales Leistungsverständnis", das kollektive Aspekte von Leistung ebenso berücksichtigt, wie es ein Bewusstsein für das historisch gewachsene und wandelbare Konzept von Leistung entwickelt. Diesen eigenen normativen Anspruch verbindet sie mit einem konstruktivistischen Ansatz, indem sie die Zuschreibungen von Leistung dekonstruiert und darüber hinaus ganz im Sinne von Foucault Leistung als Mittel der Disziplinierung und Hierarchisierung hinterfragt.
Zukunft
(2019)
In seiner Monographie zum Konzept der Zukunft hat sich Lucian Hölscher (Die Entdeckung der Zukunft, Göttingen 2016) einer Schlüsselkategorie aus dem Begriffsfeld der Zeit zugewandt, das im Wörterbuch der "Geschichtlichen Grundbegriffe" auffällig wenig bearbeitet ist. Das Thema der Zeitlichkeit ist dem Buch dabei selbst eingeschrieben, weil es sich hier um die aktualisierte und deutlich erweiterte Neuauflage einer Studie handelt, die erstmals im Jahre 1999 publiziert wurde. [...] Das Grundgerüst der Gliederung in vier größere Epochenabschnitte, beginnend mit dem Zeitraum von 1770 bis 1830, hat Hölscher beibehalten. Dem Themenschwerpunkt der vorliegenden FIB-Ausgabe entsprechend soll im Folgenden vor allem die Darstellung der Entwicklungen des 20. Jahrhunderts - also nach Hölschers Einteilung des Zeitraums von 1890 bis 1950 und der Zeit seit 1950 - betrachtet werden, denen etwa zwei Drittel des Buches gewidmet sind.
Kryotechnologien bezeichnen Verfahren des Kühlens und Einfrierens. Wie verändert deren Einsatz in immer mehr Feldern unser Verständnis von Lebensprozessen und gesellschaftliche Grundannahmen? Mit welchen Erwartungen werden Menschen heute durch verschiedene Nutzungsformen dieser Technologien konfrontiert? Fragen wie diese versucht das Projekt "Cryosocieties" des Soziologen Prof. Thomas Lemke an der Goethe-Universität zu beantworten. Im Fokus stehen die sozialen, kulturellen und moralischen Dimensionen der Sammlung, Lagerung und Nutzung von menschlichem und nichtmenschlichem organischem Material durch kryotechnologische Verfahren. Seit April 2019 wird das Projekt als ERC Advanced Investigator Grant des Europäischen Forschungsrats gefördert. Die Förderung ist auf fünf Jahre angelegt. ...
The marginalization of the hijra identity in postcolonial Pakistan perpetuates the inequalities that have dogged the transgender community since the colonial era. Although Pakistan has since ratified all concerned UN treaties aimed at protecting transgender people and preventing human rights violations against them, the country’s gender-variant population nevertheless remains vulnerable to these transgressions. As such, this study aims to explore the following inquiry: “What are the lifeways of the hijra community and how do hijra people face human rights violations in their daily life activities?”
The identity construction of the hijra is a complex process. Pakistan is a patriarchal society that determines gender based on biological sex. While a genitally ambiguous child is generally recognized as intersexed, the family usually obscures this circumstance or tries to enforce a predominantly male identity onto the child. To some degree, an intersexed child is allowed to perform feminine roles, particularly when compared to a biologically male individual who is inclined toward femininity. They may partake in “girls’ games” or in “women’s chores” like cooking; they may opt to don feminine clothing and jewelry or practice walking and talking “like a girl.” Many family members and relatives consider such actions a threat to family honor and/or an indication of weakness, which in turn renders the child vulnerable to sexual or physical assault. Abuse also causes some gender-variant children to drop out of school. As adults, many hijras do not see childhood sexual encounters as assault, particularly because they considered themselves to be feminine even from a young age. Nevertheless, experiences of isolation, abuse, and exclusion often compel a gender-variant child to seek company outside of his/her family of orientation.
Many transgender individuals see redemption in joining the hijra community: there, a new identity is defined and shaped. New members mirror themselves after more senior hijras. In the community, relationships are solidified through similar childhood experiences and interests as well as a shared freedom to express the outer reflection of an “inner feminine soul.” Here, they accept the childhood label affixed to them by heteronormative society: hijra. In fact, the identity now becomes the key to economic viability and socialization.
The predominant livelihood strategies within the hijra community are dancing and prostitution. New members must adhere to stringent norms and rules; they risk (sometimes severe) punishment if they do not. For example, a new hijra must adopt a very strict feminine appearance; if she does not appear feminine enough she may be socially isolated or physically punished. Similarly, a hijra is required to remain passive during sex. In fact, because hijras are stereotyped as passive and vulnerable, many clients physically exploit or even rape them. If she tries to resist, a hijra may face physical violence and, in extreme circumstances, death. Reporting abuse to law enforcement authorities often leads to further exploitation. As such, whether dancing or performing sexually, hijras are encouraged to do whatever is asked of them.
In the last decade, the Supreme Court of Pakistan has taken significant steps to ensure the rights of transgender people. The Court has similarly compelled local governments to amend existing legislation in order to protect the transgender community. Nevertheless, discrepancies exist in legislative and judicial interpretations of the transgender identity, which continues to impede the struggle for basic rights. Indeed, there is a long way to go in the effort to incorporate transgender people into the folds of mainstream Pakistani society.
In this article, we hypothesize, and then demonstrate, that experiences of embarrassment have significantly increased in the United States, due in part, to the current situation in American politics under President Donald Trump. We provide support for our hypothesis by conducting both qualitative and quantitative analyses of Twitter posts in the U.S. obtained from the Crimson Hexagon database. Next, based on literature from social psychology, social neuroscience, and political theory, we propose a two-step process explaining why Trump's behavior has caused people in the U.S. to feel more embarrassment. First, compared to former representatives, Trump violates social norms in a manner that seems intentional, and second, these intentional norm violations specifically threaten the social integrity of in-group members—in this case, U.S. citizens. We discuss how these norm violations relate to the behavior of currently represented citizens and contextualize our rationale in recent changes of political representation and the public sphere. We conclude by proposing that more frequent, nation-wide experiences of embarrassment on behalf of the representative may motivate political actions to prevent further harm to individuals' self-concepts and protect social integrity.
The dissertation studied reused Roman coins (AD 100 – 400) that were found in medieval cemeteries (AD 400 – 1400) in the territory of Serbia. The evaluation process was traced through three different periods and cultural contexts: (1) in the period of Roman domination in the central Balkans (AD 1 – 400), i.e. the “primary context” of their use and circulation; (2) in the time of transition from the late antiquity to early medieval period (AD 400 – 700); and (3) in the high and late Middle Ages (AD 900 – 1400), where the last two were considered to be a “secondary context” in which the Roman coins were no longer a valid currency.
It was observed that the reused Roman coins, as a distinctive category of archaeological finds, impose a necessity for reconsideration of the relationship between the disciplines of archaeology and numismatics; encouraging a greater cooperation and discussion between the two. Considering the use and evaluation of Roman coins in their “primary context”, it is possible to presume that the strength of the political Roman system was the crucial factor in the formation and maintaining the stability of the value of Roman coins. The act of reuse should not be automatically equalized with recycling; implying only to use value, but at the same time it was not possible to assume that the value was formed only on a purely symbolical level. The (re)use of Roman coins in the funeral practices from c. AD 400 to 700 was considered to be a part of wider and occasional practice of incorporating older Roman issues in the coin pool by the “barbarian” or Byzantine authorities. It could be then concluded that the value of Roman coins was understood more as a potential attribute than as a fixed category; enabling one to simultaneously “overvalue “ and “undervalue” these objects. In the period from c. AD 900 to 1400, the reuse of Roman coins was detected only within the cemeteries of the peasantry and in a context of gradual increase of general coin use in the central Balkan communities of the Middle Ages. This was understood as an indicator that the Roman coins were not perceived as particularly valuable per se, but since the were recognized as category of objects that became more important in defining social relationships they were then incorporated in the funeral rituals and reinterpreted by the medieval population.
CGC aktuell 02/2019
(2019)
Critique, and especially radical critique of reason, is under pressure from two opponents. Whereas the proponents of "post-critical" or "acritical" thinking denounce critique as an empty and self-righteous repetition of debunking, the decriers of "post-truth" accuse critique of having helped to bring about our current "post-truth" politics. Both advocate realism as a limit critique must respect, but Vogelmann defends the claim that we urgently need radical critiques of reason because they offer a more precise diagnosis of the untruths in politics the two opponents of critique are rightfully worried about. Radical critiques of reason are possible, he argues, if we turn our attention to the practices of criticizing, if we refrain from a sovereign epistemology, and if we pluralize reason without trivializing it. In order to demonstrate the diagnostic advantage of radical critiques of reason, he briefly analyzes the political and epistemic strategy at work in two exemplary untruths in politics.
Critique, and especially radical critique of reason, is under pressure from two opponents. Whereas the proponents of "post-critical" or "acritical" thinking denounce critique as an empty and self-righteous repetition of debunking, the decriers of "post-truth" accuse critique of having helped to bring about our current "post-truth" politics. Both advocate realism as a limit critique must respect, but I will defend the claim that we urgently need radical critiques of reason because they offer a more precise diagnosis of the untruths in politics the two opponents of critique are rightfully worried about. Radical critiques of reason are possible, I argue, if we turn our attention to the practices of criticizing, if we refrain from a sovereign epistemology, and if we pluralize reason without trivializing it. In order to demonstrate the diagnostic advantage of radical critiques of reason, I briefly analyze the political and epistemic strategy at work in two exemplary untruths in politics.