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Frankfurt ist Knotenpunkt globaler Güter-, Finanz-, Wissens- und Migrationsbewegungen. Die Arbeitsmärkte und -verhältnisse in der Stadt sind Ausdruck einer globalen Verwobenheit, die diskursiv oft mit dem Label der ›Global City‹ markiert wird. In einer Zeit, in der Arbeit als Feld der Produktion und Reproduktion weitreichenden Transformationsprozessen ausgesetzt ist, in der das sogenannte Normalarbeitsverhältnis zunehmend erodiert, in der Arbeitsverhältnisse oft räumlich, sozial und zeitlich entgrenzt und flexibilisiert sind und in der gut bezahlte Jobs und schlecht- bezahlte, teils prekarisierte Formen der Beschäftigung koexistieren – zum Teil im gleichen Betrieb –, muss es Aufgabe wirtschaftsgeographischer Forschung sein, die Lebenswelten von Arbeitenden in einer räumlichen Perspektive zu beleuchten. Genau dies will der vorliegende Band tun. Er versammelt engagierte, theoretisch gesättigte und empirisch geerdete Beiträge von Studierenden des Instituts für Humangeographie, die einen kritischen Blick auf die Formen, Praktiken, Beziehungen und gesellschaftliche Einbettung von Arbeit in unterschiedlichen Branchen in der ›Global City‹ Frankfurt werfen.
The family name Fleşer and its viariations come from the German family name and from the common noun with the same form Fleischer (Rom. „măcelar” – butcher) which is prevalent in East and Northeast of Germany today, and which in its turn appeard as the aftermath of a contraction of the compound noun Fleischhauer (Lat. macellator), initially spread in the centre and North of Germany.
The monophthongal noun Fleşer and its variant forms Fleşeru, Fleşeriu, Fleşieru and Fleşariu, formed with the suffix of German origin determining the agent -er (< lat. -arius) or with that/those of Romanian origin -ar(iu), (< lat. -arius) are concentrated mainly in Transilvania today, especially in the neighbouring counties of Alba and Sibiu.
Hence, the family name Fleşer and its variations turn out to be compelling examples of the linguistic interculturality between German and Romanian in Transilvania and in Romania, in this case demonstrated in terms of onomastic.
In this paper a study concerning the situation of the islamic headscarf in Germany is presented. This study relies on an analysis of the information from the mass media and from the laws issued after the debates related to this subject.
Intermarriages in Transylvania are a topic that is still to little scientifically explored. Saxons and Romanians in Transylvania each married in their own circles in accordance with the times they lived.The Second World War, the establishment of communism, deportation and nationalization have changed relations between the Transylvanian Saxons and Romanians. The number of mixed marriages has begun to grow and cultural proximity has become real. Life in Communism has become a collective destiny. At the base of this study are 25 questionnaires filled in by people coming from mixed marriages. The following aspects were analyzed: the name and identity attributed thereto, spoken languages, confession, family life, identity positioning.
The materialis based on the fact that German citizens which have been born in Transylvania (Saxons) and immigrated to Germany return even “in death” to their homeland, be that through the choice of the medium where the death notice is published, or through the content of the death notice itself. The article follows the mechanisms through which this reference is built and analyzes the objective, geographical and cultural referentiality as well as the subjective recollections of the former, now far away, homeland, relying on death notices published in the Siebenbürgischen Zeitungbetween January 2012 – December 2015 und January 2017 – March 2018.
Der vorliegende Beitrag möchte die Perspektiven einer solchen akteursorientierten Diskursanalyse aufzeigen. Die Akteure stellen nämlich diejenige "Kraft" dar, die den Diskurs ins Leben ruft, diesen formuliert und dynamisiert. Auf die Lexik ausgerichtete Untersuchungen fokussieren in erster Linie auf die sprachliche Oberfläche, d.h. etwa auf Fahnenwörter, Schlüsselwörter oder auf die Metaphorik. Diese können jedoch erst als Endprodukte der sprachlichen Tätigkeit der Akteure betrachtet werden, in denen sich deren Motivationen, Meinungen, Positionierungen und Einstellungen konstituieren. Akteursorientierte Analysen möchten hingegen auch den Hintergrund beleuchten: die Ebene der Argumentation, die Topoi, die im Diskurs in konkreten Sprachgebrauchsmustern sich materialisieren. Diese Muster sind als kollektive Denkmuster zu betrachten, die einer Gemeinschaft im kollektiven Gedächtnis zur Verfügung stehen. Als kollektiv gespeichertes und durch die Sprache zugänglich gemachtes Wissen prägen sie das Weltbild der jeweiligen Sprachgemeinschaft. Das bedeutet zugleich, dass der Sprache eine fundamentale Rolle als wissensstiftendes Medium zukommt. Sie bestimmt, wie die Welt wahrgenommen und daraus Faktizität hergestellt wird. Ferner heißt das auch, dass Diskurse zugleich als Orientierungsrahmen dienen. Sie stellen den Sprachbenutzern Wissensbestände zur Verfügung, die sowohl bei der Deutung von Ereignissen und Entitäten eine kognitive Basis bilden, als auch eine Struktur anbieten, in die neue Kenntnisse integriert werden können.
Konflikte erfüllen eine wesentliche Funktion in der Zusammenarbeit der Menschen. Sie werden meistens allgemein nur als negativ angesehen, sie können jedoch auch positive Funktionen haben. Dieser Beitrag fokussiert sich auf die Rolle des Translators als "Mittler/Mediator" und der Translation als eines Produkts, d. h. eines zielsprachlichen Textes, der auf der Grundlage eines ausgangssprachlichen Textes entstanden ist, in Bezug auf verschiedene mögliche Konfliktsituationen. Im Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit steht auch die interkulturelle Funktion der Übersetzung als einer sog. sprachlichen "Mittlerin" zwischen unterschiedlichen Welten und Kulturen in der heutigen globalisierten Welt.
The Eastern Steppe of Mongolia is one of the world's largest mostly intact grassland ecosystems and is characterised by a close coupling of societal and natural processes. In this ecosystem, mobility is one of the key characteristics of wildlife and human societies alike. The current economic development of Mongolia is accompanied by extensive societal transformation and changes in nomadic lifestyles, which potentially affects the unique steppe ecosystem and its biodiversity. The changing lifestyles are mainly characterised by rural-urban migration, resulting in reduced mobility of herders and their livestock, and presumably affecting wildlife. The question is how mobility can be fostered under these transformation processes. Time is pressing as a new generation is born which is growing up in urban environments and with new skill sets but a potential loss of the tight connection to nature and the nomadic lifestyle.
This book contains the 9th Inaugural Lecture Series 2018 of the University of Lagos, Nigeria, delivered by Dafe Otobo on 4 July 2018. According to Professor Otobo, this is a small part in the on-going attempt at placing state policies, organisational, managerial and workers practices in Nigeria, if not Africa and elsewhere, into truer perspective. Aside from updating trade unionism and related developments in Nigeria, it is easily a thought-provoking and thorough-going critique of dominant received theories on labour and employment relations.
Between 1992 and 1994 Malawi underwent a remarkable transition from dictatorship to democracy. Truly a transformation of power! Yet this period of profound change raised many issues of power and accountability. In this book some of the key questions are explained and addressed from a theological perspective. The work originated as a case study on the World Council of Churches 'Theology of Life' programme. It was then presented as a Kachere Monograph in the belief that it will not only contribute to the reconstruction of politic in Malawi but also be an important resource for all those concerned with the formation of a viable theology of power for today's world. It is now presented here again as a Luviri Reprint. The contributors are all drawn from the University of Malawi Department of Theology and Religious Studies. Kenneth Ross has written on 'The Transformation of Power in Malawi 1992-94: the Role of the Christian Churches' and 'A Practical Theology of Power for the New Malawi'; Felix Chingota on 'The Use of the Bible in Social Transformation'; Isabel Apawo Phiri on 'Marching, Suspended and Stoned: Christian Women in Malawi 1995'; James Tengatenga on 'Young People: Participation or Alienation? An Anglican Case'; J.C. Chankanza and Hilary Mijoga on 'Muslim Perspectives on Power'; Hilary Mijoga on 'Christian Experience in Malawi Prisons'; and Klaus Fiedler on 'Power at the Receiving End: the Jehova's Witnesses' Experience in One-Party Malawi' and 'Even in the Church the Exercise of Power is Accountable to God'
Traditionally, in deciding whether some strategy or action in war is proportionate and necessary and thus permissible both international law and just war theory focus exclusively on civilian deaths and the destruction of civilian infrastructure. I argue in this paper that any argument that can explain why we should care about collateral killing and damage to infrastructure can also explain why collateral displacement matters. I argue that displacement is a foreseeable near-proximate cause of lethal harm to civilians and is relevant for proportionality and necessity calculi. Accepting my argument has significant consequences for what we are permitted to do in war and for what obligations we have towards refugees that result from our actions in war.
Moral refugee markets
(2018)
States are increasingly paying other states to host refugees. For example, in 2010 the EU paid Libya €50 million to continue hosting the refugees within its borders, and five years later Australia offered Cambodia $31.16 million to accept asylum seekers living in Naru. These exchanges, which I call ‘refugees markets,’ have faced criticism by philosophers. Some philosophers claim the markets fail to ensure true protection, and are demeaning, expressing just how much refugees are unwanted. In response, some have defended refugee markets, claiming they can ensure refugees have protection and are not demeaned. I argue that many markets do demean refugees, and therefore have moral costs, but can still be all-things-considered preferable to alternative schemes if they protect refugees more than these alternative schemes.
This essay develops, within the terms of the recent New York Declaration, an account of the shared responsibility of states to refugees and of how the character of that responsibility effects the ways in which it can be fairly shared. However, it also moves beyond the question of the general obligations that states owe to refugees to consider ways in which refugee choices and refugee voice can be given appropriate standing with the global governance of refuge. It offers an argument for the normative significance of refugee’s reasons for choosing states of asylum and linked this to consideration of a refugee matching system and to refugee quota trading conceived as responsibility-trading, before turning to the issue of the inclusion of refugee voice in relation to the justification of the norms of refugee governance and in relation to the institutions and practices of refugee governance through which those norms are given practical expression.
The issue of statelessness poses problems for the statist (or nationalist) approach to the philosophy of immigration. Despite the fact that the statist approach claims to constrain the state’s right to exclude with human rights considerations, the arguments statists offer for the right of states to determine their own immigration policies would also justify citizenship rules that would render some children stateless. Insofar as rendering a child stateless is best characterized as a violation of human rights and insofar as some states have direct responsibility for causing such harm, the problem of non-refugee stateless children points to greater constraints than most statists accept on states’ right to determine their own rules for membership. While statists can ultimately account for the right not to be rendered stateless, recognizing these additional human rights constraints ultimately weakens the core of the statist position.