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In the ‘age of transnationalization’, spatial mobility is highly valued as a resource and accordingly ‘sedentariness’ is often symbolically devalued. Migration between Poland and Germany (mainly from Poland to Germany) has a century-long tradition. Not only has it yielded the emergence of a dense transnational social space, but is also considered as a re-enactor of cultural traits and symbolic meanings. Spatial mobility is tied to notions of social mobility and to projects of life-making. Since legal restrictions for Polish migrants seeking to work and settle in Germany have vanished, the quest for ‘normalcy’ has enhanced and pressures towards even more migration have increased. I argue that symbolic meanings of mobility are decisive for hierarchies in transnational social spaces. I have put main emphasize on families’ practices of caring for and caring about each other: the first being more a physical or material activity, while the latter is a more symbolic and emotional one. The interviews reveal that people draw multiple differentiations between migrant populations in terms of their migration reasons as well as between the mobile and the immobile. Those differentiations are embedded in the distinct feature of the transnational social space between Poland and Germany with assumed differences in terms of ‘modernity’. At the end the symbolic meanings of mobility also help explain the puzzle of why the emigration rates from Poland are constantly high, although Poland is a comparatively wealthy country.
This paper studies the linkage between international male migration and changes on land inheritance patterns in rural Oaxaca (Mexico). Land inheritance is a long-term exchange between parents and male adult children in Oaxaca: sons are bequeathed with land as long as they provide for their parents (and their wives care for their in-laws) while daughters are excluded from the family patrimony. Drawing on theoretical sample and 37 in depth interviews, this paper argues that intergenerational solidarity based on the parent-son alliance through inheritance is breaking down due to the uncertainty of men´s migration project along with the increase in the fallback position of wives, who may refuse to take care of elderly in-laws. Other alliances emerge instead: parents try to build new alliances with their daughters, bequeathing them agricultural and building plots. However, these new alliances and inheritance shifts are neither a heterogeneous process nor an automatic change and several family and social dimensions must be included to understand the different outcomes.
La temática de nuestro artículo remite al problema de la dominación en el último libro de Axel Honneth El derecho de la libertad. Para abordar satisfactoriamente este problema consideramos necesario, previamente, reseñar cuáles son las principales afirmaciones del libro y cuál es su enfoque teórico general (1). En el libro de Honneth el tema de la dominación se asocia fuertemente a dos nociones: la de “patologías sociales y de la razón” y la de “anomia”, motivo por el cual centraremos fuertemente la atención en estas cuestiones y llevaremos adelante -y esto vale para todo el artículo- lo que metodológicamente se denomina una reconstrucción conceptual-sistemática (2). Nuestra tesis de lectura es que en el Derecho de la Libertad se echa en falta una concepción “robusta” de dominación que el autor promete en otros libros suyos –tal y como lo advertimos en nuestra investigación doctoral, aún en curso–, pero que finalmente no elabora. Entendemos que esto es una laguna conceptual significativa, sobre todo si se tiene en cuenta que se trata de una reflexión sobre la libertad que pretende inscribirse en el legado de la Teoría Crítica de Frankfurt (3).
En el presente trabajo abordo la interpretación que Axel Honneth realiza, en su libro Crítica del poder, de la propuesta de Michel Foucault. Honneth señala, a modo de crítica, la existencia de una contradicción entre lo que denomina la teoría del poder de Foucault y sus estudios históricos –en particular, los reunidos en Vigilar y Castigar–. Uno de mis objetivos es explicar esta contradicción y, a partir de ella, proponer una lectura alternativa. En contraposición a Honneth, para quien las instituciones disciplinarias que analiza Foucault terminarían desplazando la acción y la lucha social, intento mostrar –y este es el aporte que busco realizar en el trabajo a partir de una reconstrucción conceptual– que las disciplinas y por añadidura las instituciones disciplinarias deben considerarse tácticas que nunca alcanzan del todo su objetivo. Son tácticas que no logran bloquear, de manera definitiva, las expresiones de resistencia y conflictividad. Esta lectura alternativa que aquí propongo permitiría, en principio, ensayar al menos dos puntos de contacto entre Foucault y la teoría crítica que aún no han sido elucidados.
Symbolische Herrschaft
(2015)
Joseph Jurt: Die symbolische Macht der Literatur in Frankreich : ein Sonderfall?. - Joseph Jurt: Die symbolische Macht der Intellektuellen (in Frankreich). - Michael Parzer: Das Ende der ästhetischen Intoleranz? : Musikgeschmack und symbolische Gewalt in der Gegenwartsgesellschaft. - Carsten Heinze: Pierre Bourdieu und der / im Film : Vorüberlegungen zu den Konzepten der »Symbolischen Herrschaft«, der Feld-, Habitus- und Symboltheorie als Deutungsperspektive für die Filmsoziologie und zu Legitimationskämpfen im filmwissenschaftlichen Feld. - Hilmar Schäfer: Symbolische Herrschaft und soziale Iterabilität : Die sprachliche Reproduktion sozialer Differenzen bei Pierre Bourdieu und Judith Butler
Die Rüsche am Rock der Revolutionärin markiert eine diskrete Dissonanz, die es in sich hat. Der Revolutionärin wie dem Mikrologen ist die Rüsche nicht nur ästhetisch keine 'quantité négligeable', sondern genauso epistemologisch und geschichtsphilosophisch - die Revolution steckt hier definitiv im Detail.
Este artículo presenta una lectura crítica de un trabajo central de Axel Honneth desde la teoría de la sujeción de Judith Butler. Intenta mostrar que, por la ausencia en su escrito de una consideración sobre el poder, el pensador alemán no logra cumplir satisfactoriamente su objetivo propuesto de enfrentar las posturas que cuestionan el potencial crítico del reconocimiento. La hipótesis que aquí se maneja es que esa ausencia está ligada a su definición del reconocimiento como lo contrario de las prácticas de dominio o sometimiento. Ahora bien, Honneth afirma que el escepticismo de esas posturas respecto del reconocimiento se basa en la idea de que toda praxis recognoscente reproduce de alguna manera el orden social dominante. El presente trabajo se propone entonces, cuestionar esta aseveración del autor advirtiendo que un análisis sobre el modo en que el poder actúa en las prácticas cotidianas de reconocimiento no necesariamente conlleva una renuncia de la función crítica del concepto para la teoría social. Más bien, como sugiere la noción butleriana (y foucaultiana) de crítica, sólo enmarcando al reconocimiento en el horizonte normativo que lo delimita puede convertirse en la base de la indagación social.
Während seines Aufenthaltes in Algerien hatte Pierre Bourdieu die eminente Bedeutung des Symbolischen erkannt. In der traditionellen Gesellschaft der Kabylei entdeckte er die relative Unabhängigkeit des Symbolischen (etwa der Ehre) gegenüber dem Ökonomischen. Mit Marx und Weber stimmte er darin überein, dass Sinnbeziehungen auf Machtbeziehungen beruhen. Während Marx in seiner antiidealistischen Haltung das Symbolische als eine bloße Widerspiegelung der ökonomisch- politischen Beziehungen betrachtete, unterstrich Bourdieu die Eigenlogik des Symbolischen, das nicht auf das Ökonomische im engeren Sinn reduziert werden kann. Der Begriff des symbolischen Kapitals wurde dann zu einer zentralen Kategorie des Theoriegebäudes von Bourdieu.
Die symbolische Dimension von Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnissen galt Pierre Bourdieu als Schlüssel zum Verständnis sozialer Ungleichheit in demokratisch verfassten Gesellschaften. Wenngleich er die Bedeutung materieller Ressourcen nie in Frage stellte, sah er Strukturen sozialer Ungleichheit immer auch als Resultat von alltäglichen Bewertungskämpfen, in denen Klassifikationen und evaluative Praktiken eine zentrale Rolle spielen. Besonders anschaulich beschreibt Bourdieu diese Bewertungskämpfe im Feld der Musik. Denn die vermeintlich harmlosen und trivialen Vorlieben und Aversionen waren für Bourdieu nicht nur Ausdruck klassenspezifisch geprägter Lebensstile, sondern auch ein probates Mittel zur Legitimation und Reproduktion sozialer Herrschaftsverhältnisse.
Zunächst wird kurz in Bourdieus Konzept der symbolischen Herrschaft eingeführt und dessen Stellung im Kontext seiner Theorie der Praxis verdeutlicht. Da Bourdieu sein Verständnis der symbolischen Reproduktion des Sozialen insbesondere in Bezug auf die Sprache entfaltet, wird in einem zweiten Schritt auf seine sprachsoziologischen Arbeiten eingegangen. Dabei wird das Problem der Betonung der statischen Reproduktion sozialer Ordnungen adressiert. Im dritten Abschnitt erfolgt eine Kritik und Erweiterung von Bourdieus Perspektive im Anschluss an Judith Butler, die in "Haß spricht" eine Theorie zur Resignifikation sozialer Klassifikationen entwickelt hat und sich dabei von Bourdieus Sprachsoziologie abgrenzt. Sie betont im Unterschied zu Bourdieu die Möglichkeit der Verschiebung symbolischer Machtverhältnisse. Im Fazit werden die beiden Positionen vergleichend diskutiert und Ansätze einer Theorie sozialer Iterabilität herausgearbeitet.
Embora a ideia de “patologias sociais” ou “enfermidades” de uma sociedade inteira tenha sido bastante comum desde o Segundo Discurso de Rousseau, e especialmente proeminente dentro da tradição da teoria crítica, não está claro a quem exatamente se referea proposição de ter adoecido. Será apenas um número suficiente de pessoas individuais, será o coletivo entendido como um macro-sujeito, ou é a “sociedade” em si que foi acometida por uma desorganização específica de suas instituições sociais, afetando sua eficiência funcional de tal forma que se pode falar de uma “doença” especificamente social? Para todas as três atribuições, ou seja, as pessoas individualmente com suas doenças, a coletividade com a sua síndrome clínica particular, ou a própria sociedade como adoecida, podem ser encontrados casos na literatura correspondente. A fim de encontrar uma saída para essas perplexidades conceituais que estão no cerne dessa maneira de falar, abordo as propostas teóricas de Alexander Mitscherlich e Sigmund Freud, ambos defensores de um conceito específico de “patologias sociais” ou “enfermidades” baseado em ideias psicanalíticas. O resultado da minha reconstrução crítica será que somente uma compreensão da sociedade como uma entidade orgânica permite um uso não redutor da ideia de “patologias sociais”.
This study offers in its first part a brief description of the text genre, analysing the specific lexical and formal features as well as the specific text composition means. As wedding announcements haven’t been examined from a contrastive (German/Romanian)/intercultural point of view yet, it is relevant to mention some research directions and methods.
The Romanian literature of the 18th century is witnessing a remarkable metamorphosis, whereas step by step the Enlightment’s ideas penetrate the Romanianspeaking soil and through various mechanisms replace the medieval order in society, politics and arts. In this time of the Enlightment the small popular book “Bertoldo” from the late Italian 16th century was adapted in French and then in German and through the German intermediary reached Transylvania at the end of the 18th century (Hermannstadt, 1799). In the centre of our analysis we place the concept of “cultural transfer” and that of the “cultural translation”, concepts that help us illustrate the adaptation strategies of the foreign material and the integration principles of the Enlightment’s ideals on the Romanian soil. Working with eloquent examples from the “Bertoldo”-text in a comparative manner we will try to bring to light the interaction of the poetical and ideological functions of the translations from German and its role in forming and shaping a new kind of Romanian cultural and literary sensibility.
For intercultural language teaching, coaching students on how to perceive the cultural “other” is of crucial importance in order to avoid culturally based misunderstandings. This paper explores how perceiving the other can offer conclusions for perceiving and becoming aware of the self. Through that, a process of giving and taking ensues in which perceptions of the self and of the other are constantly fluctuating depending on the context in which the communication is taking place. At the crossroads between members of two different cultures, a dialogue emerges in which the points of view of both parties are changed. The paper outlines how perception is a construct in which one’s own origin, education, and emotions are blended in. Intercultural learning is the way to deal with this constructs in a flexible manner so as to create new interpretation patterns. It teaches how to sympathize with the other and how to better understand oneself.
The purpose of this study is to reconstruct and document the image of “The Other’’ starting with the historical street names in the Transylvanian town of Sebeş, Alba County, founded in the thirteenth century by German settlers. Due to the fact that, throughout Middle Ages, one of the criteria of naming the streets of a borough was, inter alia, the ethnic one, the street names of the town reveal the ethnic groups which would form the population of the town: Székelys (Siculorumgasse), Saxons (Sachsgasse, Herrengasse, Petrigasse a.s.o.), Romans (Opricestengasse, Suseni– and Joseni Viertel), Greek and Macedonian, as well as Germans from the Southwestern Germany and Austria, who founded the north quarter of the town, in the eighteenth century (Saxonii Noi Street, Saxonii Vechi Street, Quer Gasse). In Sebeş, the street names established after the specific place the road leads the way to also contribute to the image of “The Other’’ (Petersdorfer Gässchen, Daiagasse and Hermannstädter Straße). Furthermore, the names of various local or super regional personalities who influenced the existence of the town also have an important contribution. Examples to illustrate this aspect are particularly the street names from the early stalinist period of communism in Romania (Stalin Street, V. I. Lenin Street, Miciurin Street, Malinovski Street, Rosa Luxemburg Street).
Im Geflecht der Identitäten : Kulturgeschichtliches, dargestellt am Beispiel von János Bolyai
(2015)
The Transylvanian-born János Bolyai (1802-1860) never ceases to attract the attention of all those interested in the history of science, as he is one of the founders of non-Euclidean geometry. Bolyai also concerns the philosophy researchers, due to a social utopia, which he presents in his works, unpublished during his lifetime. From older and newer documentation, it is known that the Hungarian Bolyai nobility descent also has a German origin, from German Grafs. On the Calvaserului Valley, situated north of the Hârtibaciului Valley, lies the Buia parish, named Bolya by the Hungarians, Bell by the Germans, where the Bolyai family owned an estate and a castle. In this work, the author presents approaches concerning the genealogy of János Bolyai and reports about visits to the places where Bolyai has lived, such as Buia, Domald (Viişoara parrish) and Târgu Mureş.