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A publicação deste polêmico artigo é uma homenagem de Lua Nova aos oitenta anos de História e Consciência de Classe, de Georg Lukács. Seu autor faz um resgate do jovem Lukács, identificando os pressupostos e idéias que tornam esse livro de 1923 não tanto filosoficamente, mas politicamente, um feito revolucionário, em sintonia com o ''Evento de 1917'' na Rússia. Zizek entende que é justamente seu teor político, o qual aponta para uma crítica radical dos regimes liberal-democráticos predominantes no Ocidente, que o mantém atual, nesse sentido ultrapassando os limites auto-impostos dos autores da Dialética do esclarecimento.
Interkulturelle Kompetenz
(2006)
Die Kommunikation zwischen den Menschen wird durch die Beherrschung der Sprache des Anderen ermöglicht und erleichtert. Ob sich aber die Partner wirklich verstehen, im Sinne wechselseitige Wünsche, Erwartungen, Ziele und vor allem ihre Wertvorstellungen, Normen und Verhaltensregeln so aufnehmen und interpretieren zu können, wie der Partner selbst es sieht und versteht, wird keine Garantie geleistet.
Recombinant DNA technology is an essential area of life engineering. The main aim of research in this field is to experimentally explore the possibilities of repairing damaged human DNA, healing or enhancing future human bodies. Based on ethnographic research in a Czech biochemical laboratory, the article explores biotechnological corporealities and their specific ontology through dealings with bio-objects, the bodywork of scientists. Using the complementary concepts of utopia and heterotopia, the text addresses the situation of bodies and bio-objects in a laboratory. Embodied utopias are analyzed as material semiotic phenomena that are embodied by scientists in their visions and emotions and that are related to potential bodies and to future, not-yet-actualized embodiments. As a counterpart to this, the text explores embodied heterotopias, which are always the other spaces, like biotechnological bio-objects that are simulated in computers or stored in special solutions.
Academic self-efficacy (ASE) refers to a student’s global belief in his/her ability to master the various academic challenges at university and is an essential antecedent of wellbeing and performance. The five-item General Academic Self-Efficacy Scale (GASE) showed promise as a short and concise measure for overall ASE. However, of its validity and reliability outside of Scandinavia is limited. Therefore, this paper aimed to investigate the psychometric properties, longitudinal invariance, and criterion validity of the GASE within a sample of university students (Time 1: n = 1056 & Time 2: n = 592) in the USA and Western Europe. The results showed that a unidimensional factorial model of overall ASE fitted the data well was reliable and invariant across time. Further, criterion validity was established by finding a positive relationship with task performance at different time stamps. Therefore, the GASE can be used as a valid and reliable measure for general ASE.
This article examines whether autonomy as an educational aim should be defended at the global scale. It begins by identifying the normative issues at stake in global autonomy education by distinguishing them from the problems of autonomy education in multicultural nation-states. The article then explains why a planet-wide expansion of the ideal of autonomy is conceivable on the condition that the concept of autonomy is widened in a way that renders its precise meaning flexibly adjustable to a variety of distinct social and cultural contexts. A context-transcendent, core meaning of autonomy remains in place, however, according to which a person is only autonomous if she relates to the values and goals that direct her life in a way so that she sees them as her own and is able to identify and critically assess her principal reasons for action. Finally, the article addresses two challenges to the global expansion of autonomy education: the objection that autonomy is presently not the most important educational aim and the objection that global autonomy education is a form of cultural imperialism. It finds both objections wanting.
Theodor W. Adorno publicou o ensaio “Teoria da semiformação” (Theorie der Halbbildung) em 1959. A partir da publicação deste texto, observou-se sua relevância, sobretudo para que se pudesse compreender a maneira como a indústria cultural determinava a produção de prejuízos significativos no processo formativo. Desde então, a conquista do espírito feita pelo caráter fetichista dos produtos da indústria cultural, sendo esta uma das definições de Adorno sobre o conceito de Halbbildung, impulsionou a realização de muitas pesquisas sobre os danos decorrentes desta conquista na formação. Porém, investigar as atuais características do processo semiformativo não resulta na aplicação direta dos conceitos propostos por Adorno no final da década de 1950. Sendo assim, é preciso que tais conceitos sejam revitalizados por meio da análise das atuais mediações históricas. Seguindo essa linha de raciocínio, o principal objetivo deste artigo é argumentar que a reflexão crítica sobre o modo como a semiformação se renova, na atual sociedade da chamada cultura digital, torna-se fundamental para que se possam elaborar considerações sobre o renascimento da formação (Bildung).
A Internet das Coisas tem revolucionado a forma de produção e reprodução do conhecimento. Trata-se de um tipo de interface comunicacional entre humanos, máquinas e objetos que, ao fundir os mundos material e informacional, suscita as seguintes questões: (1) a possibilidade de obtenção imediata de quaisquer informações implicaria na produção do pensamento crítico, em uma espécie de relação causa-efeito?; (2) se é possível acessar as informações em quaisquer tempo e espaço, quais seriam as transformações decorrentes no processo formativo dos alunos e dos professores? Justamente essas questões motivaram os autores do artigo a elaborar o seguinte objetivo: refletir criticamente sobre a revitalização do conceito de formação (Bildung ) na temporalidade e localidade da Internet das Coisas.
Os danos no processo formativo, decorrentes da hegemonia da indústria cultural, são investigados há algum tempo por pesquisadores das áreas de filosofia, psicologia, sociologia e história da educação. De forma geral, concluiu-se que não há uma relação de causa e efeito entre a indústria cultural e a produção de consciências reificadas. Porém, é preciso compreender de que modo o consumidor dos produtos da indústria cultural se esforça para permanecer na condição de objeto, ao invés de ser sujeito de suas ações. Tem-se como objetivo, neste artigo, refletir sobre a produção e propagação deste impulso conformista. Para tanto, parte-se do seguinte pressuposto: a chave para o entendimento das nuances desse impulso se encontra na análise das transformações históricas da relação entre a indústria cultural e a educação pela dureza.
O texto propõe-se a investigar a existência de um processo psicossocial de integração sadomasoquista (os chamados "trotes") entre os calouros e veteranos do curso de Pedagogia da Universidade Federal de São Carlos. Através da análise dos dados coletados, pode-se concluir que o trote universitário é um rito de passagem, cuja violência física e, principalmente, psíquica, é justificada, pelos alunos, como uma tradição que deve ser mantida na vida universitária.
Highlights
• Parents with and without migration background differ in educational knowledge.
• Parents with migration background have less educational knowledge on average.
• Variations in educational knowledge by immigrant groups.
• Social and cultural resources are central to explaining knowledge differences.
• Acculturation strategies prove to be of little relevance.
Abstract
Although extant research persistently highlights the importance of information for educational decision-making, better understanding the existence of, and the underlying reasons for, informational differences between immigrant and non-immigrant parents is important. This study examines the differences in the level of information between immigrant and non-immigrant parents of third graders just before they make probably their most important educational decision in the German education system. We draw on approaches highlighting the importance of resources and parents’ acculturation to explain the informational differences between immigrant and non-immigrant parents. Employing linear regression and probability models on data from the National Educational Panel Study in Germany (N = 3961), we demonstrate that all immigrant groups, particularly those from Turkey, the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East, and northern Africa, are significantly less informed than parents without own immigration experience. This result is evident both in our overall test and in various domains of the test, which analyze different aspects of information relevant to parents’ educational decision-making. Furthermore, different endowments with social and cultural capital largely explain the informational differences between parents with and without an immigrant background. In contrast, different acculturation strategies are almost negligible in explaining the differences in the level of information. Our findings provide important insights for research on migration-related inequalities in educational decision-making and for developing interventions to improve migrant parents’ ability to make well-informed and thus intended educational decisions.
The democratic boundary problem raises the question of who has democratic participation rights in a given polity and why. One possible solution to this problem is the all-affected principle (AAP), according to which a polity ought to enfranchise all persons whose interests are affected by the polity’s decisions in a morally significant way. While AAP offers a plausible principle of democratic enfranchisement, its supporters have so far not paid sufficient attention to economic participation rights. I argue that if one commits oneself to AAP, one must also commit oneself to the view that political participation rights are not necessarily the only, and not necessarily the best, way to protect morally weighty interests. I also argue that economic participation rights raise important worries about democratic accountability, which is why their exercise must be constrained by a number of moral duties.
Im Jahre 2030 werden die über 60-Jährigen die Mehrheit der deutschen Bevölkerung stellen. Während die Lebenserwartung stetig steigt, werden immer weniger Kinder geboren – Deutschland überaltert und schrumpft pro Jahr um etwa 200000 Einwohner. »Das Alter ist in einer sehr interessanten Weise jung«, hat Paul Baltes, Direktor des Max-Planck-Instituts für Bildungsforschung und einer der ersten deutschen Altersforscher, das Phänomen umschrieben, dass die Menschen noch nie so alt wie heute geworden sind: Ein heute 70-Jähriger ist beispielsweise im Vergleich zu den Alten vor 25 Jahren etwa fünf Jahre »jünger«, was seine körperliche und mentale Leistungsfähigkeit betrifft (siehe auch Heinz D. Osiewacz: »Gesund altern, aber wie? Molekulare Grundlagen biologischer Alterungsprozesse «, Seite 47 ff). Es gibt also nicht mehr nur »alte Alte«, die pflegebedürftig und dement sind, sondern auch solche, die sich geistig und körperlich fit fühlen. Noch haben die fachlich vielfältigen Facetten des Alters in der Forschung keine Konjunktur. Doch eine Trendwende zeichnet sich ab. Die Rechtswissenschaftlerin und Psychoanalytikerin Prof.Dr. Gisela Zenz will mit dem Forum »Alterswissenschaften und Alterspolitik« an der Universität Frankfurt die Kompetenzen aus den unterschiedlichen Fachgebieten zusammenführen. Was dahinter steckt, erläutert die Wissenschaftlerin in einem Gespräch mit Ulrike Jaspers.
La cultura, en tanto manifestación de la actividad del espíritu en oposición a la actividad material, se ha entendido, generalmente, como expresión del progreso humano, que nos aleja de la barbarie. Adorno somete este concepto a un riguroso análisis dialéctico y descubre que la barbarie misma puede estar encarnada en la cultura, y que esta, como bien sucede con la industria cultural, puede estar al servicio de la dominación antes que al de la emancipación. Sin embargo, no renuncia a su espíritu utópico. Este texto explora no solo la crítica de Adorno al concepto tradicional de cultura y su complicidad con la barbarie, sino también las indicaciones en el pensamiento del mismo autor para comprender las posibilidades emancipatorias de la cultura.
The paper discusses the problem of the possible relation between psychoanalytic concepts and social critique in the perspective of Adorno's social thought. The title refers to Adorno's idea that psyche as individual spontaneity has now lost the weight it used to have in the liberal era. As a brief introductory remark, I clarify the status of theory for Adorno, i.e., the circularity between interpretation and description as grounded by the nature of the social object itself. Then I analyse his core idea of “social objectivity” as an impersonal mechanism which is at the same time produced by men and reified, heteronomous for them, and I argue that, for Adorno, the discontinuity existing between individual and society prevents an immediate shift of psychoanalytic concepts to the social world: the example of fascism clearly proves that the determining social forces today, while instrumentally exploiting deep psychical materials, are not themselves psychological. In the final part, I show how, for Adorno, psychology and sociology nevertheless need to be mediated with each other, while avoiding the superficial synthesis the so-called “revised psychoanalysis” aims to, and I point out some similarities between psychoanalytic practice and social critique as conceived by him.
Esse trabalho parte do pressuposto de que o jogo eletrônico influencia a formação cultural das crianças na contemporaneidade. Essa afirmação fundamenta-se na teoria crítica da sociedade, sobretudo, em um de seus principais pensadores, T. W. Adorno, que, em conjunto com M. Horkheimer, cunhou o conceito de indústria cultural em 1947. Elemento desta indústria, o jogo eletrônico, como produto de consumo, constitui-se como um instrumento de lazer e entretenimento, cujo alcance é cada vez mais amplo nas brincadeiras infantis. Isso significa que o conteúdo desses jogos e a identificação com seus personagens são vetores importantes de referência para analisar a constituição da identidade infantil e a emergência de valores na sociedade atual.
Social media, asthe fifth estate, increasingly influence public dis-courses and play a major role in shaping public opinion.Undoubt-edly, they have the potential to promote participation and democra-cy. On the other side, they also constitute a risk for democratic soci-eties, as the spread of hate speech and fake news has shown. As aresponse,forms of counterspeech organisedby civil society have emerged in social media to counter the normalisation of hate speech and democracy-threateningdiscourses. In order to influence dis-course in social media in terms of the fifth estate, counterspeech campaigns must be visible alsoquantitatively. In this ethnographic contrastive study, I analysed the activitiesof the German and Finn-ish Facebook groups of the network #iamhere international. The in-tensity and continuity of their activities is obviously influenced by their strategic organisation: conventionalised rules support them whereas lacking or inconsequent rules seemed to be counterpro-ductive.
Wie lässt sich das anthropologische Fundament des Ordoliberalismus und der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft beschreiben? Welche Prämissen liegen ihm zugrunde? Ist ein derartiges Menschenbild überhaupt noch zeitgemäß? Welchen Gefahren ist es ausgesetzt und welche institutionellen Vorkehrungen lassen sich treffen? Diese und andere Fragen stehen im Mittelpunkt des nachfolgenden Essays. Dieser ist dabei wie folgt gegliedert: Das zweite Kapitel analysiert die anthropologischen Grundlagen des Ordoliberalismus. Ein Schwerpunkt liegt dabei auf dem kantischen ‚Programm der Freiheit als Autonomie‘. Das darauf folgende dritte Kapitel thematisiert mögliche Gefahrenpotenziale für eben jenes ordoliberale Menschenbild. Hierbei werden insbesondere die Vermachtung der Wirtschaft und die Instrumentalisierung und Funktionalisierung der Wissenschaft eingehender untersucht. Im vorletzten Kapitel schließlich werden die häufig vorgeschlagenen institutionellen Vorkehrungen kritisch evaluiert. Wichtige Beiträge hierzu stammen aus der Feder von Röpke (Clercs und Nobilitas naturalis) und Hayek (Zwei-Kammern-Verfassungsmodell).
Jürgen Habermas har i sin sociologiska tolkning av den filosofiska diskursen fasthållit vid möjligheten av att i en idealisk samtalssituation nå konsensus att lägga till grund för gemensamma tillvägagångssätt och samförstånd om vad som är sant. Han har också förklarat värdet av "offentligheten" som det moderna borgerliga samhällets möjliga demokratiska plattform; en plattform som dock i stor utsträckning tagits över av resursstarka grupper som genom t.ex. tolkningshegemonier driver sitt egenintresse i en skenbart öppen offentlighet. Habermas avvisar inte Upplysningstidens modernism utan ser den som ett "oavslutat projekt" som bör utvecklas och förbättras snarare än förkastas. (Shabani, 2003, 44-50; Habermas, 1981) ...
An den Rändern der Diskurse. Jenseits der Unterscheidung diskursiver und nicht-diskursiver Praktiken
(2007)
Wenn von und für Diskursanalytiker(innen) eine Preisfrage ausgesetzt werden würde, dann wäre wohl eine der ersten zu beantwortenden Fragen, was denn eine "nicht-diskursive Praktik" sei. Die Frage markiert gewissermaßen die Grenze des Diskurses, denn schon die Benennung lässt vermuten, dass "nicht-diskursive Praktiken" eben nicht mehr Diskurs sind. Dieses Problem des Nicht-Diskursiven und die verschiedenen Möglichkeiten, diesen Rand, diese Grenze zu denken, auf ihrem Grat zu gehen oder sie zu unterlaufen, möchten wir im Folgenden zunächst anhand der theoretisch-methodologischen Debatte und dann anhand einiger konkreter Interpretationen von Texten und Beobachtungen aus verschiedenen empirischen Forschungsprojekten diskutieren. Dabei orientieren wir uns an den denkbaren Grenzen des Diskurses – der Macht, der Alltagspraxis, dem Körper, dem Subjekt – und entfalten die These, dass die Unterscheidung von diskursiv und nicht-diskursiv gerade nicht geeignet ist, Klarheit in die Debatte zu bringen.
Recent developments in Hungary and Poland have made democratic backsliding a major issue of concern within the European Union (EU). This article focuses on the secondary agents that facilitate democratic backsliding in Hungary and Poland: the European People’s Party (EPP), which has continually protected the Hungarian Fidesz government from EU sanctions, and the Hungarian ruling party Fidesz, which repeatedly promised to block any EU-level sanctions against Poland in the Council. The article analyses these agents’ behaviour as an instance of transnational complicity and passes a tentative judgment as to which of the two cases is normatively more problematic. The analysis has implications for possible countervailing responses to democratic backsliding within EU member states.
Populism is widely thought to be in tension with liberal democracy. This article clarifies what exactly is problematic about populism from a liberal–democratic point of view and goes on to develop normative standards that allow us to distinguish between more and less legitimate forms of populism. The point of this exercise is not to dismiss populism in toto; the article strives for a more subtle result, namely, to show that liberal democracy can accommodate populism provided that the latter conforms to particular discursive norms. What the article calls a ‘liberal ethics of populism’ turns out to be closely bound up with a broader ethics of peoplehood, understood as a way of articulating who ‘the people’ are in a way that is compatible with liberal–democratic principles of political justification. Such an ethics, concludes the article, inevitably has a much wider audience than populist political actors: its addressees are all those who seek legitimately to exercise power in the name of the people.
Im Geflecht der Identitäten : Kulturgeschichtliches, dargestellt am Beispiel von János Bolyai
(2015)
The Transylvanian-born János Bolyai (1802-1860) never ceases to attract the attention of all those interested in the history of science, as he is one of the founders of non-Euclidean geometry. Bolyai also concerns the philosophy researchers, due to a social utopia, which he presents in his works, unpublished during his lifetime. From older and newer documentation, it is known that the Hungarian Bolyai nobility descent also has a German origin, from German Grafs. On the Calvaserului Valley, situated north of the Hârtibaciului Valley, lies the Buia parish, named Bolya by the Hungarians, Bell by the Germans, where the Bolyai family owned an estate and a castle. In this work, the author presents approaches concerning the genealogy of János Bolyai and reports about visits to the places where Bolyai has lived, such as Buia, Domald (Viişoara parrish) and Târgu Mureş.
Die Erinnerung an das Jahr 1968 kann nur eine Form annehmen: die der Collage. Ein halbes Jahrhundert nach jenen Ereignissen könnte das beispielsweise so aussehen: Manches, was inzwischen in Publikationen und Dokumentationen vorliegt, mit Selbsterlebtem verbinden, um auf diese Weise einen Eindruck von der Vielschichtigkeit und dem gelegentlich surrealistisch wirkenden Zusammen- und Gegeneinanderspiel von "Frankfurter Schule" und Studentenbewegung zu vermitteln.
Nur die Einbeziehung des Fremden bewahre vor steriler Identität, meinte Adorno, aus dem Exil in den USA nach Frankfurt zurückgekehrt. Wie steht es heute um Fremdheit und Fremde und um das Verhältnis von Eigenem und Fremdem? Das erkundet der Philosoph und Publizist Rolf Wiggershaus im Gespräch mit fünf Frankfurter Professorinnen und Professoren.
Wie lassen sich die Chancen und Gefahren menschlicher Wirkmacht erkennen und einschätzen? Wie umgehen mit den Auswirkungen des menschlichen Handelns? Dazu forscht Darrel Moellendorf, der an der Goethe-Universität politische Philosophie lehrt. Ein Gespräch über Klimawandel, Moral, Gerechtigkeit und das Anthropozän.
While global justice theorists heatedly discuss the responsibilities of the affluent and powerful, those states which can legitimately be seen as victims of global injustice have seldom, if ever, been considered as duty bearers to whom responsibilities can be attached. However, recognising agents whose options are constrained not only as victims, but also as duty bearers is necessary as a proof of respect for their agency and indispensable to mobilise the type of action required to alter global injustices. In this article, I explore what responsibilities state officials of dominated states have. I argue that they have the responsibility to resist domination in the name of the dominated states members. While under particular circumstances this responsibility gives rise to a duty to engage in acts of state civil disobedience, under other circumstances state officials of dominated states ought to resist domination in an internal, attitudinal way by recognising themselves as outcome responsible agents.
Body image dissatisfaction is a serious, global problem that negatively affects life satisfaction. Several claims have been made about the possible psychological benefits of naturist activities, but very little empirical research has investigated these benefits or any plausible explanations for them. In three studies—one large-scale, cross-sectional study (n = 849), and 2 prospective studies (n = 24, n = 100) this research developed and applied knowledge about the possible benefits of naturist activities. It was found that more participation in naturist activities predicted greater life satisfaction—a relationship that was mediated by more positive body image, and higher self-esteem (Study 1). Applying these findings, it was found that participation in actual naturist activities led to an increase in life satisfaction, an effect that was also mediated by improvements in body image and self-esteem (Studies 2 and 3). The potential benefits of naturism are discussed, as well as possible future research, and implications for the use of naturist activities.
Objetivo: sistematizar as potencialidades e desafios da Teoria do Reconhecimento, de Axel Honneth, e refletir sobre eles como subsídio às pesquisas em saúde.
Método: trata-se de artigo de reflexão que toma o potencial da incorporação da categoria reconhecimento na propositura honnethiana para pesquisa, compreensão, exercício e gestão do cuidado em saúde.
Resultados: o processo de reconhecimento favorece a exploração e a compreensão das relações de poder e respeito, sobretudo em termos do conflito a elas circunscrito. Dessa forma, indica subsídios para diagnósticos e núcleos estruturantes para a superação de práticas opressivas e desiguais, com desdobramentos para lidar com situações de insegurança, fragilidades na autoestima e vulnerabilidades nas interações entre os sujeitos, que configuram desafios contemporâneos.
Conclusão: na exploração científica do cuidado, gestão e políticas públicas em saúde, este referencial teórico pode auxiliar na visibilidade do contexto e seus nós críticos, para favorecer a autonomia e a dignidade humana, relevantes para as relações interpessoais nos processos de cuidado, com contribuições profícuas à qualificação da atenção à saúde.
Objective: to systematize the strengths and challenges of Axel Honneth’s Theory of Recognition, and to reflect on these as support for research in health care. Method: this is a reflection article which considers the potential of incorporating the category of recognition in the Honnethian proposition for research, understanding, exercising of practice and management of health care. Results: the process of recognition promotes the exploration and understanding of relations of power and respect, above all in terms of conflict which are ascribed to these. As a result, it indicates support for diagnoses and structuring nuclei for overcoming oppressive and unequal practices, with consequences for dealing with situations of insecurity, weaknesses in self-esteem and vulnerabilities in the interactions between the subjects, which are configured as contemporary challenges. Conclusion: in the scientific exploration of care, management and public policies in health, this theoretical framework can assist in the visibility of the context and in its critical knots, in order to promote autonomy and human dignity, which are relevant for the interpersonal relations in the processes of care, with fruitful contributions to the qualification of the health care.
Experten des Gesundheitswesens fordern den "mündigen Patienten": Er soll sich über medizinische Entwicklungen auf dem Laufenden halten und im Krankheitsfall selbst aktiv Informationen einholen. Printmedien, Fernsehen und Internet haben in den vergangenen Jahren ihr Informationsangebot erheblich ausgeweitet und versuchen, medizinische Themen laiengerecht zu vermitteln. Welche sozialen und kulturellen Kompetenzen benötigt man, um als "mündiger Patient" agieren zu können? Ein Projekt des Instituts für Kulturanthropologie und Europäische Ethnologie, das als didaktisches Modell "Forschenden Lernens" gemeinsam mit Studierenden durchgeführt wurde, untersuchte, wie Laien Zugang zu medizinischem Wissen suchen und wie sie sich diese Informationen aneignen.
Browsing the web for school: social inequality in adolescents’ school-related use of the internet
(2019)
This article examines whether social inequality exists in European adolescents’ school-related Internet use regarding consuming (browsing) and productive (uploading/sharing) activities. These school-related activities are contrasted with adolescents’ Internet activities for entertainment purposes. Data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2012 is used for the empirical analyses. Results of partial proportional odds models show that students with higher educated parents and more books at home tend to use the Internet more often for school-related tasks than their less privileged counterparts. This pattern is similar for school-related browsing and sharing Internet activities. In contrast to these findings on school-related Internet activities, a negative association between parental education and books at home is found with adolescents’ frequency of using the Internet for entertainment purposes. The implications of digital inequalities for educational inequalities are discussed.
Gerontology has a longstanding tradition of researching the relationship between older adults and their socio-spatial environments. However, environmental gerontology often shares a positivistic understanding of space as either a “prosthetic” or a stressor and consequently searches for the “best fit” between a person and their environment. In this article, we argue for a stronger theoretical corpus on social and territorial exclusion in later life by exploring concepts from urban and environmental sociology, as well as examining the usefulness of these concepts for gerontological thinking. In doing so, we discuss trans-European research traditions beyond the hegemonic body of Anglo-Saxon literature. In conclusion, we discuss how gerontology and sociology might exchange ideas in order to build a stronger theoretical background on the relations between age, space and exclusion.
Vor 50 Jahren probte die Studentenbewegung den Umsturz. Der Vietnamkrieg und die Forderung nach Emanzipation brachten weltweit junge Menschen auf die Straße, Bildungsmisere und Notstandsgesetze waren spezifisch deutsche Protestthemen. Für Frankfurt charakteristisch war die Auseinandersetzung mit der Frankfurter Schule und ihren Vertretern.
This article problematizes the assumption that national policies have a direct impact on youth participation at the local level and analyses the relationships between local forms of youth participation and local and national policies. Relying on data from a EU project funded under the HORIZON 2020 programme, the article focuses on formally institutionalized settings of youth participation and elaborates local constellations of youth participation in six European cities. These constellations may be referred to as regimes of youth participation as they reflect wider structures of power and knowledge that influence the way in which young people’s practices in public spaces and their claims of being part of society are recognized. However, the analysis reveals that rather deducing it from the model of welfare regimes, such a typology needs to be developed starting from the local level and should consider the ways in which different relationships between local youth policies and national welfare states affect youth participation.
Kurz vor Mitternacht am 2. April 1968 bricht im Kaufhaus M. Schneider auf der Zeil ein Feuer aus. Kurz darauf ertönt der Feueralarm im Kaufhof an der Hauptwache. Menschen werden nicht verletzt, der Schaden beträgt nach heutigem Geldwert rund eine Million Euro. Unter den Tätern sind Andreas Baader und Gudrun Ensslin. Beide werden zu drei Jahren Zuchthaus verurteilt. Die Brandanschläge auf die Frankfurter Kaufhäuser sind die Geburtsstunde der Roten Armee Fraktion – das wissen wir heute. ...
This article analyzes and criticizes the temporal orientation of Catherine Lu’s theory of colonial redress in Justice and Reconciliation in World Politics. Lu argues that colonial historic injustice can, with few exceptions, justify special reparative measures only if these past injustices still contribute to structural injustice in contemporary social relations. Focusing on Indigenous peoples, I argue that the structural injustice approach can and should incorporate further backward looking elements. First, I examine how Lu’s account has backward-looking elements not present in other structural injustice accounts. Second, I suggest how the structural injustice approach could include additional backward-looking features. I presuppose here, with Lu, that all agents connected to an unjust social structure have a forwardlooking political responsibility to reform this structure, regardless of their relation (or lack thereof) to victims or perpetrators of historic injustice. However, I suggest that agents with connections to historic injustice can occupy a social position that makes them differently situated than other agents within that same structure, leading to differences in how these agents should discharge their forward-looking responsibility and differentiated liability for failure to do so. Third, I argue that Lu obscures the importance of rectifying material dispossession. Reparations, pace Lu, can be justified beyond a minimum threshold of disadvantage. Theorists of settler colonialism and Indigenous scholars show how the dispossession of Indigenous land can be seen as a structure that has not yet ended. I conclude by arguing that rectification can be a precondition for genuine reconciliation.
This paper contributes to the clarification of the concept of “typicality” discussed in contemporary philosophy of physics by conceiving the nomological status of a typical behaviour such as that expressed in the Second Law of Thermodynamics as a “minutis rectis law”. A brief sketch of the discovery of “typicality” shows that there were ideas of typical behaviour not only in physics but also in sociology. On this basis and in analogy to the Second Law of Thermodynamics, it is shown that the nomological status of sociological laws such as Gresham’s Law can also be conceived as “minutis rectis laws”.
Cet article cherche à rapprocher les pensées de Louis Althusser et de Theodor W. Adorno autour de trois grandes questions : le primat de la théorie, la théorie de la société et de l’histoire, et la critique du sujet. Dans chaque cas, il s’agit de mettre en évidence les points communs entre les deux penseurs tout en soulignant leur désaccord fondamental en ce qui concerne la manière dont chacun se rapporte à la philosophie de Hegel. Là où Althusser vise à repenser le marxisme sur des bases non hégéliennes, Adorno veut au contraire revenir à Hegel pour ressourcer le marxisme en temps de crise.
Architektur und Albtraum : Erkundungen zu Horrorhäusern, Geisterstädten und metaphysischen Türmen
(2014)
Auf seiner Flucht aus dem Schreckenshaus seiner Ahnen träumt Clifford Pincheon (aus Nathaniel Hawthornes Roman The House of the Seven Gables von 1851) in der Eisenbahn von einem modernen Nomadentum, das einen vom Schicksal befreien könne: Statt sich zum "Gefangenen von Mauern, Backstein" zu machen, wird der Mensch der Zukunft "nirgends - oder besser - überall […] wohnen". Die Vision, sich vom konkreten Ort, von Geschichte zu befreien und gleichsam in der Zeit sesshaft zu werden, verwirklichte sich nicht allein in den silbernen, stromlinienförmigen Home-Trailern und Mobile Homes. Sie verwirklichte sich auf höherer Stufenleiter in den glänzend geschlossenen Spiegelglas-Türmen, die in den Machtzentren des Kapitals heute zunehmend dominieren. Die dunkel oder metallisch spiegelnden Türme wirken wie in heiliges Öl getaucht, rituell gesalbt, dabei jedoch nicht erhaben, sondern verführerisch, bezaubernd: Die fugenlos glatte, glitzernde Hülle aus Spiegelglas und Metall macht die Bauwerke zu Fetischen, phallischen Signifikanten, zu unsterblichen Ikonen einer Macht, deren innerstes Prinzip eine Ökonomie der Zeit ist. Das Kapital träumt seit je davon, sich vom irdischen Raum der Menschen zu befreien: Mit den Türmen - einer artifiziellen Raum-Enklave - gewinnt der Traum strahlend Gestalt. Hierin verdichtet sich gesellschaftlich und technologisch höchste Mobilität, erstarrt in reiner Gegenwart, der Zeitform der global players. Diese arbeiten an einem Schicksal, das jede Bindung an konkreten, irdischen Raum, an Familien und Völker, an vergangene Geschichte verloren hat. Das ist zweifellos unheimlich, doch auf ganz andere Art als das klassische Horrorhaus.