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Der historische Index für die in der Titelformulierung zum Ausdruck kommenden kontrast-und spannungsreichen Freundschaftskonstellationen in einem um 1800 sich bildenden urbanen Umfeld wird ersichtlich, wenn man die Unterscheidung von empfindsam geprägten Bekenntnisfreundschaften und diplomatisch geführten Freundschaftsnetzwerken einführt.
This review analyses the aesthetic engagement with Nazi atrocities during WWII and belonging in post-war Germany as presented in Nora Krug’s graphic novel Heimat: A German Family Album. The authors employ Marianne Hirsch’s concept of ‘postmemory’ as an analytical tool that helps them locate the complex historical and emotional contexts from which this graphic novel receives its impulses. The concrete scenes from the novel are presented and subsequently related to the field of memory and postmemory scholarship. Wider critical debates on how aesthetic articulations of past atrocities influence the next generations of ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’ are examined, to ask: What does it mean to inhabit memories of ghostly narratives about perpetrators and how does it form a feeling of post-home?
Wissenspopularisierung
(2013)
Wilhelm von Humboldt leistet zweierlei: I. Er überträgt die Grundfigur des Klassizismus, das Eigene am Fremden zu verstehen, vom Altertum auf die modernen europäischen Nationen mit Hilfe seines Konzepts einer vergleichenden Anthropologie. 2. Er stellt die anthropologisch und geschichtsdiagnostisch zugleich intressierte Frage nach dem Potential, den Voraussetzungen, Bedingungen und Grenzen einer Nation, sich Fremdes aufzuschließen und anzuverwandeln. Damit gelang ihm gegenüber der dem Nationalgeist huldigenden Romantik zwar kein breitenwirksamer, aber ein für die deutsche Klassik richtungweisender Beitrag zur kulturellen Identitätsfindung. Er sollte bis in Goethes Weltliteraturvorstellung fortwirken.
The COVID-19 pandemic has both highlighted and exacerbated global health inequities, leading for calls for responses to COVID to promote social justice and ensure that no one is left behind. One key lesson to be learnt from the pandemic is the critical importance of decolonizing global health and global health research so that African countries are better placed to address pandemic challenges in contextually relevant ways. This paper argues that to be successful, programmes of decolonization in complex global health landscapes require a complex three-dimensional approach. Drawing on the broader discourse of political decolonization that has been going on in the African context for over a century, we present a model for unpacking the complex task of decolonization. Our approach suggests a three-dimensional approach which encompasses hegemomic; epistemic; and commitmental elements.
Der Akteurscharakter der BRICS-Staaten : eine qualitative Untersuchung mit der Grounded Theory
(2020)
Die Abschlussarbeit beschäftigt sich mit der zentralen Fragestellung: Welchen Akteurscharakter besitzen die BRICS-Staaten? Zur Beantwortung ist mit der Grounded Theory eine rekonstruktionslogische Herangehensweise gewählt worden, um das Phänomen zu untersuchen. Für den Forschungsprozess ist auf die Software MAXQDA zurückgegriffen worden. Als Ergebnis werden die BRICS-Staaten als „Kooperationsmodell der Nichteinmischung“ betitelt.
The metaphor of DIADEM informs the way in which Proverbs depicts the character of a woman of strength and her place in the society. The metaphor serves the Proverbs to conceptualise a prudent, virtuous and reasonable character in relation to the divine and the human, and thus to provide the main support of a successful life.
Sicherlich hat der Begriff Erbe gegenüber konkurrierenden Begriffen wie dem der Tradition als einer bis in die Lebensverhältnisse hinein fraglosen Beziehung zum Hergebrachten oder dem der Rezeption als einer allein szientifischen Form der Vergangenheitsaneignung einsehbare Vorteile. Er faßt mehr als ein nur wissenschaftsgeleitetes Vergangenheitsverhältnis. Er ist vorbegrifflich angesiedelt in Lebens- und Eigentumsverhältnissen und legt auch in seinem wissenschaftlichen Gebrauch diese, sein Vorverständnis prägende Nähe zu Formen und Regeln gesellschaftlichen Lebens nicht ab. Doch verkehren sich - unbedacht - Vorteile leicht in Nachteile. Es sollten daher die wissenschaftsmethodischen, -theoretischen und -geschichtlichen Verwendungen des Erbebegriffs ebenso überlegt werden, wie die vorbegrifflichen, teils metaphorischen Implikationen, die den Begriffsgebrauch mitbestimmen. Denn gerade letztere entfalten, aus dem wissenschaftlich kontrollierten Kontext entlassen, eigene politische und ideologische Wirkungen. Auf beides kann ich nur knapp eingehen. Wenn ich von wissenschaftlichen Implikationen des Erbebegriffs spreche, die kaum Beachtung finden, denke ich beispielsweise an das Verhältnis der Metapher 'kulturelles Erbe' zu ihrer juristischen Basissemantik; es hat eine wissenschaftsgeschichtliche Vorgeschichte. Wenn ich von außerwissenschaftlichem Vorverständnis spreche, denke ich an den alltagssprachlichen Wortgebrauch und die Alltagserfahrung.
NGO brokers between local needs and global norms: trajectories of development actors in Burkina Faso
(2021)
Local NGO brokers in Africa and beyond negotiate and mediate between (inter)national donors and potential beneficiaries within their communities. They translate local needs into development projects to make them suitable for international donors. This article looks at two main conditions that influence their work: First, windows of opportunity, which open and close according to structures and institutions beyond their sphere of influence; and second, their personality and skills. Based on two case studies from Burkina Faso, this article offers insights into biographies and life stories of such brokers where engagement leads to a distinguished lifestyle that contains aspects of cosmopolitanism and distinctiveness.
Im Januar 2020 änderte sich für viele Menschen die bis dahin gekannte Normalität durch das Aufkommen des Covid-19-Virus. Dies äußerte sich in einem gravierenden Einfluss auf die physische Mobilität und führte zu einer teilweisen Verlagerung in die virtuelle Mobilität. Angelehnt an die in dieser Arbeit dargestellten Forschungsansätze ist festzustellen, dass ein kausaler Zusammenhang zwischen eingeschränkter Mobilität und sozialer Exklusion von sozialer, politischer, ökonomischer sowie persönlicher Partizipation besteht. Diese Korrelation unter pandemischen Bedingungen wurde zum Zeitpunkt der Analyse kaum untersucht, weshalb es die Zielsetzung dieser Arbeit war, die Thematisierung der Einschränkungen mobilitätsbedingter sozialer Teilhabe durch die Covid-19-Pandemie im medialen Diskurs zu erörtern.
Die quantitative Analyse der drei Zeitungen Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung und Die Zeit ergab, dass die mediale Auseinandersetzung mit dem Untersuchungsgegenstand nur einen marginalen Teil der Artikel prägt und damit eine Randnotiz der Gesellschaft darstellt. Die darauffolgende qualitative Inhaltsanalyse der thematisch passenden Zeitungsartikel lassen auf die Notwendigkeit einer Erweiterung der existierenden theoretischen Exklusionsdimensionen schließen. Grund dafür sind das Auftreten einer Infektionsangst sowie einer neuen Reichweite der Digitalisierung als grundlegende Exklusionsstrukturen während der Pandemie. Insbesondere in der Entscheidung um den Umgang mit dem ÖPNV spiegeln sich vielfältige gesellschaftliche Fragen um Sicherheit und Gesundheitsschutz, aber auch um soziale Teilhabe und Zugang.
Die Covid-19-Pandemie hat das universitäre Leben seit dem Sommersemester 2020 auf den Kopf gestellt. Digitales Arbeiten von zu Hause aus, e-Learning und Video-Konferenzen prägen seither Forschung, Studium und Lehre. Wir haben Studierende, Lehrende, Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter aus ganz unterschiedlichen Gebieten unseres Fachbereichs drei Fragen zu ihrem Arbeitsalltag zwischen Ausnahmezustand und „neuer Normalität“ gestellt.
1. Inwieweit hat die Pandemie Ihren (Arbeits-/Studien-) Alltag verändert?
2. Welche Rolle spielen dabei digitale Medien? (auch im Vergleich zur Zeit vor der Pandemie)
3. Für die Zeit „nach Corona“: Was nehmen Sie mit? Worauf freuen Sie sich?
Diese Masterarbeit fragt nach Anschlussmöglichkeiten der Schriften Bruno Latours an die Postwachstumsdiskussion an der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena. Im ersten Schritt wird die Jenaer Debatte um Degrowth in der Tradition der kritischen Theorie verortet und inhaltlich anhand der Begriffe der »Wachstumskritik« und der »sozial-ökologischen Transformation« rekonstruiert. Zweitens folgt die Rekonstruktion Latours anhand dreier Werkphasen seit Anfang der 90ger Jahre. Im dritten Schritt geht es darum, Latour mit der Jenaer Debatte ins Gespräch zu bringen. Dabei stößt der Autor auf einen sozial-theoretischen Graben zwischen beiden Denkschulen. Das darf allerdings nicht darüber hinwegtäuschen, dass Latours Werke viele praktische Anknüpfungspunkte bereithalten, wie eine sozial-ökologische Transformation im Sinne der Postwachstumsdebatte gelingen kann.
"Es scheint normal, dass Frauen Opfer und Männer Täter sind" (Schwithal 2004:1). Permanent wird der akute Schutzbedarf von Frauen breitflächig thematisiert. Die Medien liefern täglich erschütterndes Material von Frauen, die Gewalt erfahren. In diesem Fall sind Hilfs- und Beratungsangebote leicht zu finden, Frauenhäuser sind in der breiten Masse der Bevölkerung bekannt und sensible Handlungsleitfäden für Betroffene und Angehörige liegen in Arztpraxen oder Supermärkten aus. Gegenstand ist überwiegend häusliche Gewalt1 - die Gewalt welche hinter verschlossenen Türen und von der Öffentlichkeit abgeschnitten geschieht und der Frauen hilflos ausgeliefert sind. TV-Spots, die Opfer dazu aufrufen nicht länger in der missbräuchlichen Situation zu verharren, richten sich ausschließlich an Frauen. Der quälende, schreiende und schmerzverursachende Mann – oft nur als dunkler Schatten, geballte Faust oder bedrohliche Stimme dargestellt – verharrt in der Täterrolle. ...
ISOE-Newsletter Nr. 2/2022
(2022)
Appell aus Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft: Energiesuffizienz muss zu einem Leitprinzip der Politik werden +++ Mehr Zeit?! Wie wir die Transformation zu mehr Nachhaltigkeit beschleunigen können +++ Grundwasser – unsichtbare Ressource und (un-)sichtbare Probleme +++ Mobilitätsforschung: Pendeln verstehen – Status quo, Forschungsstand und Perspektiven +++ Kommunen im Klimawandel – Forschung zum Wissenstransfer +++ Wärmepumpen als Beitrag zu Energieunabhängigkeit und Klimaschutz: Wie die Umsetzung gelingt +++ Stadtgrün und Wasser als Bausteine klimagerechter Quartiere +++ Digitalisierung in der Wasserwirtschaft: Lücken in der Cybersicherheit +++ Lehrveranstaltungen im Sommersemester 2022 +++ ISOE-Blog +++ Termine +++ Publikationen
China’s law to control international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) has sent shockwaves through international non-governmental organisations (NGOs), civil society and expert communities as the epitome of a worldwide trend of closing civic spaces. Since the Overseas NGO Management Law was enacted in January 2017, its implementation has seen mixed effects and diverging patterns of adaptation among Chinese party-state actors at the central and local levels and among domestic NGOs and INGOs. To capture the formal and informal dynamics underlying their mutual interactions in the longer term, this article employs a theory of institutional change inspired by Elinor Ostrom’s distinction between rules-in-form versus rules-in-use and identifies four scenarios for international civil society in China – “no change,” “restraining,” “recalibrating” and “reorienting.” Based on interviews, participant observation and Chinese policy documents and secondary literature, the respective driving forces, plausibility, likelihood and longer-term implications of each scenario are assessed. It is found that INGOs’ activities are increasingly affected by the international ambitions of the Chinese party-state, which enmeshes both domestic NGOs and INGOs as agents in its diplomatic efforts to redefine civil society participation on a global scale.
The segregation of refugees in collective accommodation centres represents an integral component of the European border regime and its complex interplay of inclusion and exclusion. The corresponding spatial, symbolic and discursive demarcations, however, are not simply implemented politically from above, but negotiated on the ground on a daily basis. One crucial group of actors in the German context are neighbourhood-based volunteers. These groups frequently accompany accommodation centres with support structures. Based on contributions in the field of critical border studies and on the example of a municipal accommodation facility in Frankfurt, Germany, this paper demonstrates how volunteers, through their practices and engagement with refugees and others, on one hand, and dominant discourses, institutions and regulations on the other, participate in the production of locally specific spaces of asylum that are marked by simultaneous and contradictory processes of bordering and debordering.
Gender stereotypes and self-characterizations in Germany and Nigeria: a cross-cultural comparison
(2021)
Studies on the content of gender stereotypes have been conducted primarily in the United States, while research in other, particularly non-Western, countries is scarce. In this research, we assessed and compared the content of gender stereotypes and self-characterizations in Germany—a Western European country—and Nigeria—a West African country. We asked 403 Germans and Nigerians to rate three target groups (either men in general, women in general, or themselves) on 74 agentic and communal characteristics. We found that Nigerian women were rated as more agentic and more communal than German women, while German men were rated as more communal than Nigerian men, but similarly on agency. On self-characterizations, Nigerian men rated themselves as more communal than German men, but again similarly on agency; Nigerian women rated themselves as more agentic and more communal than German women. Within-country comparisons showed that in Germany, men and women were perceived as similarly agentic and communal, while in Nigeria, men and women were perceived as similarly agentic, but women were perceived as more communal than men (by both others and when rating themselves). Further analysis on individual agentic and communal characteristics, however, showed important differences in stereotypes and self-characterizations of men and women in both countries that were obscured when looking at overall agency and communion. Our results show that gender stereotyping of oneself and others is complex and highlights the impact of culture on people's perceptions of gender.
»Erinnerungen aus der Kindheit kann man doch nur haben, wenn man selbst kein Kind ist« (de Velasco 2013, S. 10) – so kommentiert die 13-jährige homodiegetische Erzählerin Nini im Roman Tigermilch das Auftauchen einer ersten bewussten »richtige[n] Kindheitserinnerung« (ebd.). Angesprochen ist damit der zunächst paradox anmutende Zusammenhang von Kindsein und Erinnern. Sich selbst im umfassenderen Sinn daran zu erinnern, wie es ist, ein Kind zu sein, gehört zu den Fähigkeiten, die Kindern nicht zugesprochen werden. Die Kindheit gilt als das Lebensalter, in dem man ganz bei sich ist, in dem alles gegenwärtig und vieles möglich ist. Pläne und Perspektiven richten sich in die offene Zukunft, im Rückblick über Erinnerungen zu verfügen und sie als Teil der eigenen Biografie zu begreifen, wird selbst zum Zeichen der Differenz: ein Indiz dafür, dass die Kindheit bereits an ihr Ende gekommen ist....
Previous research has found higher levels of heatwave mortality and morbidity among urban residents with a migration background because of their social, health and environmental conditions. The purpose of the study was to investigate and compare heat induced changes in the outdoor recreation behaviours of Turkish migrants with those of non-migrants on hot days in Vienna. Specifically, the study compared coping behaviours due to heat such as inter-area, intra-area, temporal and activity displacement between migrants and non-migrants. The study interviewed 400 migrants and non-migrants in four public green spaces of different area sizes and asked about their outdoor recreation motives and activities, as well as behavioural changes, due to summer heat. Results show that migrants have different motives for visiting urban green spaces on hot days, and that they visit these less frequently on hot days compared to non-migrants. While both groups shift their outdoor uses more to shady areas and the cooler times of the day, more migrants visit green spaces in the afternoon, perform more energetic recreational activities, and use sunnier sites more frequently than non-migrants on hot days. Few migrants and non-migrants stated that they would visit alternative green spaces when it is hot. The results indicate that migrants’ behaviours result in higher heat exposure, while making less use of the opportunities larger green spaces such as forests can provide for heat relief. Recommendations on how green and city planners could reduce heat related health risks for both study groups are presented.
In ‘Justice and Natural Resources,’ Chris Armstrong offers a rich and sophisticated egalitarian theory of resource justice, according to which the benefits and burdens flowing from natural (and non-natural) resources are ideally distributed with a view to equalize people’s access to wellbeing, unless there are compelling reasons that justify departures from that egalitarian default. Armstrong discusses two such reasons: special claims from ‘improvement’ and ‘attachment.’ In this paper, I critically assess the account he gives of these potential constraints on global equality. I argue that his recognition of them has implications that Armstrong does not anticipate, and which challenge some important theses in his book. First, special claims from improvement will justify larger departures from the egalitarian default than Armstrong believes. Second, a consistent application of Armstrong’s life planfoundation for special claims from attachment implies that nation-states may move closer to justify ‘permanent sovereignty’ over the resources within their territories than what his analysis suggests.
In this paper, we discuss Armstrong’s account of attachment-based claims to natural resources, the kind of rights that follow from attachment-based claims, and the limits we should impose on such claims. We hope to clarify how and why attachment matters in the discourse on resource rights by presenting three challenges to Armstrong’s theory. First, we question the normative basis for certain attachment claims, by trying to distinguish more clearly between different kinds of attachment and other kinds of claims. Second, we highlight the need to supplement Armstrong’s account with a theory of how to weigh different attachment claims so as to establish the normative standing that different kinds of attachment claims should have. Third, we propose that sustainability must be a necessary requirement for making attachment claims to natural resources legitimate. Based on these three challenges and the solutions we propose, we argue that attachment claims are on the one hand narrower than Armstrong suggests, while on the other hand they can justify more far-reaching rights to control than Armstrong initially considers, because of the particular weight that certain attachment claims have.
The paper analyses the interrelationship between Armstrong’s egalitarian theory and his treatment of the ‘attachment theory’ of resources, which is the dominant rival theory of resources that his theory is pitched against. On Armstrong’s theory, egalitarianism operates as a default position, from which special claims would need to be justified, but he also claims to be able to incorporate ‘attachment’ into his theory. The general question explored in the paper is the extent to which ‘attachment’ claims can be ‘married’ to an egalitarian theory. The more specific argument is that a properly constrained attachment theory is more plausible than Armstrong’s egalitarian theory. Armstrong’s paper also criticizes attachment and improvement accounts as justifying permanent sovereignty over resources. This paper argues that neither of those arguments aim to justify the international doctrine of permanent sovereignty.
This paper argues that land and resource rights are often essential in overcoming colonial inequality and devaluation of indigenous populations and cultures. It thereby criticizes global welfare egalitarians that promote the abolition of national sovereignty over resources in the name of increased equality. The paper discusses two ways in which land and resource rights contribute to decolonization and the eradication of the associated inequality. First, it proposes that land and resource rights have acquired a status-conferring function for (formerly) colonized peoples so that possession of full personhood and relational equality is partially expressed through the possession of land and resource rights. Second, it suggests that successful internal decolonization depends on access to and control over land and resources, especially for indigenous peoples.
In Justice and Natural Resources: An Egalitarian Theory (2017), Chris Armstrong proposes a version of global egalitarianism that – contra the default renderings of this approach – takes individual attachment to specific resources into account. By doing this, his theory has the potential for greening global egalitarianism both in terms of procedure and scope. In terms of procedure, its broad account of attachment and its focus on individuals rather than groups connects with participatory governance and management and, ultimately, participatory democracy – an essential ingredient in the toolkit of green politics and policy-making. In terms of scope, because it does not commit itself to any particular moral framework, Armstrong’s theory leaves the door open for non-human animals to become subjects of justice, thus extending the realm of the latter beyond its traditionally anthropocentric borders. I conclude that these greenings are promising, but not trouble-free.
A reply to my critics
(2021)
It is a real pleasure to reply to so many thoughtful and probing responses to my book. In what follows, I will focus on six key themes that emerge across the various pieces. Some of them call into question core commitments of my theory, and in those cases I will try to show what might be said in its defence. Quite a number of the critics, however, present what we might call expansionist arguments: though they endorse some of the arguments I make, that is – or pick up some of its key concepts – they seek to push them in new and interesting directions. I will suggest that many of those arguments look likely to be successful, though I will also express caution about one or two of them. I doubt, however, that I will be the final judge of their success. Early on in the book I express the hope that it might provide a set of conceptual tools capable of advancing discussions about resource justice more broadly, even for scholars who reject my own idiosyncratic approach. Having made that gambit, I cannot now claim to have a monopoly on the use of the tools in question. Witnessing the use that others have already made of them has been a refreshing and rewarding experience.
This paper uses a novel account of non-ideal political action that can justify radical responses to severe climate injustice, including and especially deliberate attempts to engineer the climate system in order reflect sunlight into space and cooling the planet. In particular, it discusses the question of what those suffering from climate injustice may do in order to secure their fundamental rights and interests in the face of severe climate change impacts. Using the example of risky geoengineering strategies such as sulfate aerosol injections, I argue that peoples that are innocently subject to severely negative climate change impacts may have a special permission to engage in large-scale yet risky climate interventions to prevent them. Furthermore, this can be true even if those interventions wrongly harm innocent people.
Chris Armstrong argues that attempts at justifying special claims over natural resources generally take one of two forms: arguments from improvement and arguments from attachment. We argue that Armstrong fails to establish that the distinction between natural resources and improved resources has no normative significance. He succeeds only in showing that ‘improvers’ (whoever they may be) are not necessarily entitled to the full exchange value of the improvement. It can still be argued that the value of natural and improved resources should be distributed on different grounds, but that the value of improvements should be conceived differently.
This paper argues first that Armstrong is led to see natural resources primarily as objects of consumption. But many natural resources are better seen as objects of enjoyment, where one person’s access to a resource need not prevent others from enjoying equal access, or as objects of production, where granting control of a resource to one person may produce collateral benefits to others. Second, Armstrong’s approach to resource distribution, which requires that everyone must have equal access to welfare, conceals an ambiguity as to whether this means equal opportunity for welfare, or simply equal welfare – the underlying issue being how far individuals (or countries) should be held responsible for the use they make of the resources they are allocated. Third, when Armstrong attacks arguments that appeal to ‘improvement’ as a basis for claims to natural resources, he treats them as making comparative desert claims: if country A makes a claim to the improved resources on its territory, it must show that their comparative value accurately reflects the productive deserts of its members compared to those of countries B. But in fact, A needs only to make the much weaker claim that its members have done more than others to enhance the value of its resources. Overall, Armstrong’s welfarist approach fails to appreciate the dynamic advantages of allocating resources to those best able to use them productively.
Introduction
(2021)
Today in the United States, the notion that ‘the rise of the far right’ poses the greatest threat to democratic values, and by extension, to the nation itself, has slowly entered into common sense. The antecedent of this development is the object of our study. Explored through the prism of what we refer to as the domestication of the War on Terror, this publication adopts and updates the theoretical approach first forwarded in Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, the Law and Order (Hall et al. 1978). Drawing on this seminal work, a sequence of three disparate media events are explored as they unfold in the United States in mid-2015: the rise of the Trump campaign; the release of an op-ed in The New York Times warning of a rise in right-wing extremsim; and a mass shooting at a historic African American church in Charleston, South Carolina. By the end of 2015, as these disparate events converge into what we call the public face of the rise of the far right phenomenon, we subsequently turn our attention to its origins in policing and the law in the wake of the global War on Terror and the Great Recession. It is only from there, that we turn our attention to the poltical class struggle as expressed in the rise of 'populism' on the one hand, and the domestication of the War on Terror on the other, and in doing so, attempt to situate the role of the rise of the far right phenomenon within it.
Volk im Werden
(1932)
Deutsche Kulturpolitik?
(1928)
Erlebter Neuidealismus
(1942)