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The language in the communist era represents one of the most important means of expressing legitimization of socialist ideology and political power. The analysis of journalistic texts with political content reflects obviously the values enforced by the political authority and the ideological point of view on social life, while constructing the cultural identity of a social group. The cultural identity, as the sum of values, principles, confesses, beliefs, customs, shared by the members of the same ethnicity, is constructed and revealed by means of language. On this basis, the present paper aims at presenting some aspects regarding the way in which cultural identity is represented in the speeches of some communist politicians, published in the German newspaper Neuer Weg. The authoress analyses in the journalistic texts the way in which the content becomes manifest in language use. There is a matter of debate and controversy at ideological level, as the speakers drop hints and give clues to the deficiencies and shortcomings of the internal economic situation and of the foreign policy. The language use is marked by aggressiveness and virulence, while the linguistic material used for this purpose contains specific features at lexical, morpho- syntactic and pragmatic level. The authoress takes the theoretical stance of sociolinguistics and pragma linguistics in assessing the language facts.
Welche Aktivitäten an der Schnittstelle zur Politik gibt es aktuell an der Goethe-Universität, in welcher Weise profitieren Forschung und Lehre von diesen Kooperationen? Wie lassen sich diese Kooperationen ausbauen – sofern man sie denn ausbauen möchte? Diese Fragen standen im Fokus des Hochschulforums »Gut beraten«, an dem über 80 Vertreter aus Hochschule und Politik teilnahmen. Eingeladen hatte Univizepräsident Prof. Manfred Schubert-Zsilavecz, der für den Strategieprozess »Third Mission« an der Goethe-Universität verantwortlich ist. Schubert-Zsilavecz wies einleitend auf die gesellschaftliche Verantwortung einer von Bürgern gegründeten Stiftungsuniversität hin: »An der Goethe-Uni bildet daher die Third Mission, der Dialog und Austausch mit der Gesellschaft, eine dritte Säule, die eng und synergetisch an die ersten beiden Säulen Forschung und Lehre rückgekoppelt ist .«
Beyond radicalism and resignation: the competing logics for public participation in policy decisions
(2016)
Participation – like justice or freedom – is a term that can be constructed in multiple ways. However, existing typologies of participation pay little attention to the alternative logics for public participation in policy decisions: either they assume one particular normative bias or categorise by institutional design features without reference to the broader ideology that informs the use of these designs. This paper outlines an alternative approach that connects the variety in participatory practices to competing theories of democracy and public administration. It identifies four archetypes of participation: knowledge transfer; collective decision-making; choice and voice; and arbitration and oversight.
The second volume of the African Higher Education Dynamics Series brings together the research of an international network of higher education scholars with interest in higher education and student politics in Africa. Most authors are early career academics who teach and conduct research in universities across the continent, and who came together for a research project and related workshops and a symposium on student representation in African higher education governance. The book includes theoretical chapters on student organising, student activism and representation; chapters on historical and current developments in student politics in Anglophone and Francophone Africa; and in-depth case studies on student representation and activism in a cross-section of universities and countries. The book provides a unique resource for academics, university leaders and student affairs professionals as well as student leaders and policy-makers in Africa and elsewhere.
With the rise of the knowledge for development paradigm, expert advice has become a prime instrument of foreign aid. At the same time, it has been object of repeated criticism: the chronic failure of technical assistance a notion under which advice is commonly subsumed has been documented in a host of studies. Nonetheless, international organisations continue to send advisors, promising to increase the effectiveness of expert support if their technocratic recommendations are taken up. This book reveals fundamental problems of expert advice in the context of aid that concern issues of power and legitimacy rather than merely flaws of implementation. Based on empirical evidence from South Africa and Tanzania, the authors show that aid-related advisory processes are inevitably obstructed by colliding interests, political pressures and hierarchical relations that impede knowledge transfer and mutual learning. As a result, recipient governments find themselves caught in a perpetual cycle of dependency, continuously advised by experts who convey the shifting paradigms and agendas of their respective donor governments. For young democracies, the persistent presence of external actors is hazardous: ultimately, it poses a threat to the legitimacy of their governments if their policy-making becomes more responsive to foreign demands than to the preferences and needs of their citizens.
The management of elections is increasingly generating impassioned debate in these East African nations - Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda. The bodies that manage and conduct elections are, therefore, coming under intense citizen and stakeholder scrutiny for the manner in which they are composed, how they organise and perform their mandates, and the outcomes they achieve. The effectiveness of electoral management bodies (EMBs) has largely been influenced by the impact of political violence on election management reforms in East Africa. Even in countries where EMBs are the products of reforms initiated in the aftermath of violent disputes over elections, they still face enormous challenges in dealing with electoral disputes and anticipating election-related crises. Although changes to constitutions and the laws in these countries have sought to make EMBs independent and, therefore, more inclined to deliver free, fair and credible elections, there are many issues that determine their impartiality and their ability to allow for the aggregation and free expression of the will of the people. These shortcomings negatively impact on democracy. This volume assembles case studies on the capacity of EMBs in these five East African countries to deliver democratic and transparent elections.