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We cannot imagine a political system without opposition. Despite this crucial position in politics, political science has largely neglected to study oppositions. Attempting to fill this gap, this article analyses the institutional opportunities of parliamentary oppositions. It offers a parsimonious framework by distinguishing two dimensions of opposition influence: Some institutions enable oppositions to control governments, while others offer opportunities to present alternatives. A comparison of oppositions’ opportunities in 21 democracies shows that countries fall into four groups along these dimensions: In majoritarian democracies, weak control mechanisms are countered by excellent opportunities to publicize alternatives. Consociational democracies are characterized by strong control mechanisms, but provide only weak opportunities to present alternatives. Moreover, in Southern Europe, control mechanisms and opportunities to present alternatives are weak, while both are pronounced in Nordic Europe. The results are summarized in three indices that can easily be applied in future research examining oppositions and their power.
Das undatierte englischsprachige Manuskript von "Apocalypse and Politics" von Jacob Taubes (1923-1987) stammt vermutlich aus den späten 1960er Jahren. In diesem in seiner Originalfassung im ZfL Blog erstmals veröffentlichten Text stellt der Berliner Religionsphilosoph Überlegungen zur Vergleichbarkeit messianischer Kulte und der Entwicklung nationalistischer Befreiungsbewegungen in Afrika und Asien an und plädiert dabei für einen religionssoziologischen Ansatz.
Auf der Titelseite der Ausgabe vom 17. April 2003 illustrierte die New York Times den amerikanischen Blitzsieg im Irak mit diesem Bild amerikanischer Generäle an Saddam Husseins Prunktisch (Foto: David K. Dismukes). [...] Mir schien das Bild der zur Gruppenaufnahme an Saddam Husseins Prunktisch versammelten Generäle kommentierenswert; und zwar als Teil der ikonographischen Tradition der Unterzeichnung von Kapitulations- und Friedensverträgen in den letzten zwei Jahrhunderten.
The present paper aims to analyse the linguistic forms and the discourse strategies used in the written press of the 1950’s in order to unmask the political class enemy and thus to support and validate the political power. The cited examples are taken from the newspaper Neuer Weg and the newspaper Scînteia, which report in many editions show trials of persons who are considered by the political authority to belong to the group of class opponents, those persons being presented in the journalistic texts as class enemy. The language use shows aggressiveness and virulence, schematized linguistic constructions and repetitions, while certain specific features can be identified at lexical, morphosyntactical and pragmatic level. The authoress takes the theoretical stance of sociolinguistics and pragmalinguistics in assessing language facts.
Verstimmung, keine Feindschaft : Podiumsdiskussion an der Goethe-Uni über »Türkei und EU-Politik«
(2017)
To understand the policy environment within which refugees establish and operate their enterprises in South Africa's informal sector, this report brings together two streams of policy analysis. The first concerns the changing refugee policies and the erosion of the progressive approach that characterized the immediate post-apartheid period. The second concerns the informal sector policy, which oscillates between tolerance and attempted destruction at national and municipal levels. While there have been longstanding tensions between foreign and South African informal sector operators, an overtly anti-foreign migrant sentiment has increasingly been expressed in official policy and practice. This report describes the strategies being used to turn South Africa into an undesirable destination for refugees, including the setting up of additional procedural, administrative and logistical hurdles; the undercutting of court judgments affirming the right of asylum-seekers and refugees to employment and self-employment; ensuring that protection is always temporary by making it extremely difficult for refugees to progress to permanent residence and eventual citizenship; and restricting opportunities to pursue a livelihood in the informal sector. The authors conclude that the protection of refugee rights is likely to continue to depend on a cohort of non-governmental organizations prioritizing migrant livelihood rights and being willing and able to pursue time-consuming and costly litigation on their behalf.