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This article examines whether autonomy as an educational aim should be defended at the global scale. It begins by identifying the normative issues at stake in global autonomy education by distinguishing them from the problems of autonomy education in multicultural nation-states. The article then explains why a planet-wide expansion of the ideal of autonomy is conceivable on the condition that the concept of autonomy is widened in a way that renders its precise meaning flexibly adjustable to a variety of distinct social and cultural contexts. A context-transcendent, core meaning of autonomy remains in place, however, according to which a person is only autonomous if she relates to the values and goals that direct her life in a way so that she sees them as her own and is able to identify and critically assess her principal reasons for action. Finally, the article addresses two challenges to the global expansion of autonomy education: the objection that autonomy is presently not the most important educational aim and the objection that global autonomy education is a form of cultural imperialism. It finds both objections wanting.
Personalized campaign styles are of increasing importance in contemporary election campaigns at all levels of politics. Surprisingly, we know little about their implications for the behavior of successful candidates once they take public office. This paper aims to fill this gap in empirical and theoretical ways. It shows that campaign personalization results in legislative personalization. Legislators that ran personalized campaigns are found to be more likely to deviate in roll call votes and to take independent positions on the floor. These findings result from a novel dataset that matches survey evidence on candidates’ campaign styles in the 2009 German Federal Elections with the legislative behavior of successful candidates in the 17th German Bundestag (2009–2013). Combining data from the campaign and legislative arenas allows us to explore the wider consequences of campaign personalization.
Recent developments in Hungary and Poland have made democratic backsliding a major issue of concern within the European Union (EU). This article focuses on the secondary agents that facilitate democratic backsliding in Hungary and Poland: the European People’s Party (EPP), which has continually protected the Hungarian Fidesz government from EU sanctions, and the Hungarian ruling party Fidesz, which repeatedly promised to block any EU-level sanctions against Poland in the Council. The article analyses these agents’ behaviour as an instance of transnational complicity and passes a tentative judgment as to which of the two cases is normatively more problematic. The analysis has implications for possible countervailing responses to democratic backsliding within EU member states.
Zentrales Forschungsanliegen der vorliegenden Abhandlung ist die Erörterung der Probleme, welche sich für die Corporate Governance einer Aktiengesellschaft ergeben, wenn abweichend vom gesetzlichen Optimalbild eine Divergenz zwischen dem Stimmrecht des Aktionärs und dessen wirtschaftlicher Betroffenheit vorliegt. Der von seinen Entscheidungen nicht proportional betroffene Aktionär soll als Corporate Governance Akteur in den Blick genommen werden.
Wieso aber lohnt sich eine erneute Befassung mit einem Problem, welches Easterbrook und Fischel bereits 1983 als ein solches identifiziert haben? Zum einen ist die internationale und deutsche Corporate Governance Debatte erheblich vorangeschritten. Steckte diese zum Zeitpunkt des Aufsatzes „Voting in Corporate Law“ noch in den Kinderschuhen, hat sie sich heute zu einem eigenen Forschungsfeld entwickelt, welches Juristen und Ökonomen in aller Welt beschäftigt. Der nicht proportional betroffene Aktionär wird in das durch diese Forschungsströmung entwickelte moderne Corporate Governance System eingeordnet. Zum anderen sind vor allem durch die Entwicklung vielfältiger Finanzderivate im Rahmen der sogenannten „derivatives revolution“ die Möglichkeiten durch schuldrechtliche Vereinbarungen eine entsprechende Disproportionalität zu erzeugen erheblich gestiegen. Während Easterbrook und Fischel noch feststellten „[…] it is not possible to seperate the voting right from the equity interest“, gestatten moderne Finanzprodukte es Aktionären, ihre wirtschaftliche Betroffenheit und zugleich deren Verhältnis zu ihrer Stimmrechtsmacht fast beliebig auszugestalten.
Die Zusammenschau aus einer erheblich diffizileren Corporate Governance Debatte in Verbindung mit einer neuen Vielzahl an Möglichkeiten eine Disproportionalität zwischen Stimmrecht und wirtschaftlicher Betroffenheit zu erzeugen, gibt der Thematik die notwendige Aktualität, die eine vertiefte Befassung anzeigt.
In Abgrenzung zu den bislang in diesem Themenkreis erschienenen Arbeiten, welche sich vor allem isoliert mit den Folgen für das Stimmrecht bzw. den einzelnen Anteilseigner befassen, thematisiert die vorliegende Abhandlung vor allem die Auswirkungen, welche die Trennung von Stimmrecht und wirtschaftlicher Betroffenheit für die Corporate Governance Struktur der Aktiengesellschaft nach sich ziehen kann. Auf diese Weise wird die Problematik der Ausübung disproportionaler Stimmrechte in die Erkenntnisse der Corporate Governance Theorie eingeordnet und insbesondere auch die ökonomischen Folgen selbiger herausgearbeitet. Die so gewonnenen Ergebnisse verdeutlichen den gesetzgeberischen Handlungsbedarf.
This paper analyses disclosure duties in insurance contract law in Germany on the basis of questions developed in preparation of the World Congress of the International Insurance Law Association (AIDA) 2018. As risk factors are within the policyholder’s sphere of knowledge, the insurer naturally depends on gaining such knowledge from its policyholder in order to calculate and evaluate premium and risk. Legal approaches as to how the insurer may obtain relevant information and the legal consequences differ in national insurance contract laws around the globe. Taking part in this legal comparison, the paper describes the key elements of such a mechanism from a German perspective and comprises both duties of the policyholder and duties of the insurer.
As for the policyholder, these issues are differences between a duty to (spontaneously) disclose and a duty not to misrepresent as a reaction to questions of the insurer, the prerequisites and remedies of such duty, the subjective standard of the disclosure duty and a duty to notify material changes during the contract term. On the other hand, the paper also addresses an insurer’s duty to investigate, a duty to ascertain the policyholder’s understanding of the policy and a duty to inform during the contract term or after the occurrence of an insured event. In doing so, the paper offers a comprehensive and critical overview on the transfer of knowledge in the insurance (pre-)contractual relationship.
“Protection of the environment“ and “sustainability“ are more significant than ever. The legal system contributes an important share to the protection of the environment. However, an overview of the German private environmental liability law shows that conventional tort law is not a suitable basis for civil liability for the environmental consequences of officially approved emissions of greenhouse gases. In general, one of the main problems of private environmental liability law lies in proving the individual causality of the conduct of an emitter, as the lawsuit of a Peruvian homeowner against a German energy company pending before the Higher Regional Court of Hamm illustratively demonstrates. The outcome of this lawsuit, which may have an outstanding significance for the status and development of private environmental liability law in Germany, is awaited with great anticipation. The article also briefly examines recent developments in private environmental liability law outside Germany and the question to what extent insurance can be an instrument to protect the environment.
Egon Lorenz – zum Gedenken
(2020)
This article is directed towards addressing the employment related issues encountered by female workers in the gig economy in the EU. It revolves around analysing ‘the switch’ from the traditional labour market to the platform economy. It subsequently explains, by drawing comparisons, that the issues of gender inequality in the brick and mortar world are still prevalent in world of the digital platform. In fact, new challenges have emerged which are specifically related to the gig economy. Female workers are now affected by the inherent bias of algorithms. Moreover, due to the unequivocal propagation of ‘flexibility’ which is used as a weapon to glorify the gig economy; women are even more likely to be pushed into precarious work. The other prominent issues of gender inequality like the dynamics of intersectionality, the gender pay gap and hiring policies in traditional and digital platforms are also examined. Furthermore, the existing regulatory frameworks addressing these issues are discussed with the possibility of catering to the gender inequality issues in the gig economy through policy development. The article concludes with a reflection on the need for the EU to take immediate and efficacious policy measures in respect of female workers in the gig economy.
Der Ausnahmezustand
(2020)
Wenn wir die Berechtigung der Maßnahmen im Kampf gegen die Corona-Pandemie unterstellen, dann deshalb, weil wir darauf hoffen, dass sie greifen und etwas bewirken, und zwar in nicht allzu ferner Zukunft. Tun sie es, ist alles gut. Aber was, wenn nicht – und wenn der Zustand, der durch sie eintritt, länger und länger dauert, vielleicht ein Ende auch gar nicht absehbar ist? Dazu drei knappe, aber grundsätzliche Bemerkungen aus der Sicht der Staatstheorie, des Verfassungsrechts und der Rechtsphilosophie.