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Journalisten fragen, Politiker antworten. Kurz nach Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges, im November 1914, hat der Strafrechtler und Völkerrechtler Franz von Liszt auf Fragen des Chefredakteurs Helmer Key vom "Svenska Dagbladet" in Stockholm geantwortet – in bemerkenswert enger Anlehnung an die alte konservative Theorie von der deutschen Friedfertigkeit, die erst durch die Einkreisungspolitik Eduards VII. zur Wehrhaftigkeit habe werden müssen.
Iring Fetscher hat das maschinenschriftliche Dokument auf einer Auktion entdeckt und erworben. Wir drucken es auf den folgenden Seiten als Faksimile mit dem Kommentar von Iring Fetscher zu Fragen und Antworten im Deutschen Herbst 1914.
The origin and justification of human rights, whether anchored in biological theory, natural law theory, or interests theory, as well as their cultural specificity and actual value as international legal instruments are subject to ongoing lively debates. As theoretical and rhetorical discourses challenge and enrich current understanding of the value of human rights and their relevance to democratic governance, they have found their way into public health in recent decades and play today an increasing role in the shaping of health policies, programs and practice. Human rights define the obligations of states to their people and towards each other, create grounds for governmental accountability and inspire recognition of, and action on, factors influencing people’s attainment of the highest possible standard of health. This article highlights the evolution that has brought health and human rights together in mutually reinforcing ways. It draws from the experience gained in the global response to HIV/AIDS, summarizes key dimensions of public health and of human rights and suggests a manner in which these dimensions intersect in a framework for analysis and action.
G. A. Cohen argues that John Rawls’s focus on the basic structure of society as the exclusive subject of social justice is misguided. I argue that two understandings of the notion of basic structure seem to be present in the literature, either in implicit or in explicit terms. (1) According to the first, the basic structure is to be equated with a given set of institutions: if they endorse the right principles of justice, the basic structure of society is just; (2) According to the second, a society has a just basic structure if and only if its institutional web manages to realize the relevant principles of justice as well it can. In (2), the institutional structure is not a given: different social circumstances call for different institutional solutions in order to achieve a just basic structure overall. The first part of the paper make a case for (2), and explores some of its normative implications. The second part asks which consequences this understanding may have for the idea of a global basic structure.
Rhetoric and global justice
(2008)
Activists have long recognized the importance of rhetoric and emotional appeal in building support for the global justice movement. However, many political theorists worry that the use of rhetoric may obstruct clear presentation of the issues at stake, and may result in our policies being determined by where the sympathies of the best rhetoricians lie. In this article I examine the ways in which contemporary theorists try to accommodate the need for rhetoric and emotional appeal, and I argue that their attempts are unsatisfactory because they view rhetoric as a tool or skill that can be used to manipulate people to support any position. Yet if we question the sharp separation between rhetoric and reason, then the aims of building support for a cause, identifying the causes we ought to support, and treating others with respect need no longer conflict. Re-examining the radical liberal theories of J.S. Mill, L.T. Hobhouse and J.A. Hobson, will help us to see how this separation might be questioned and rhetoric recovered as a respectful and respectable form of argument.
Die Allgegenwärtigkeit des Begriffs der Menschenrechte in politischen Kontexten kann leicht übersehen lassen, dass der rechtsphilosophische, rechtstheoretische und praktische Streit um die genaue Bestimmung, Begründung und Kodifizierung dieser »Rechte« alles andere als beigelegt ist. Der notorische Dissens zwischen Philosophen und Juristinnen und sogar Theologen steht in einem seltsamen Missverhältnis zur Selbstverständlichkeit, mit der politische Akteure die Notwendigkeit dieser oder jener außenpolitischen Handlung durch Bezug auf die Menschenrechte rechtfertigen. ...
The paper argues that the current global market is organized by a system of transnational law whose development is best characterized as ambivalent. On the one side, legal juridification can lead to a hegemonic system of international law that lacks legitimacy, paradoxically creates extralegal spheres, promotes the ‘privatization’ of political areas, and, thereby, reduces the competences of states. On the other side, legal codification can also function as an engine of transnational democratization and as a barrier to an unhampered growth of transnational administrative and executive power. Scholarship on the idea of legitimacy in law and transnational governance in political and legal theory has to reflect these aspects of juridification on a world scale. Most approaches to the issue, however, have serious flaws: they neither offer an adequate empirical diagnosis of the de-embedding of international economic and legal processes, nor do they provide convincing proposals as to how such processes could be domesticated. Against this background, the paper lays out a critical analysis of legal codification processes as well as proposing an account of democratic governance, based on a realistic conception of deliberative democracy.
Le xviiie est le siècle de la révolution constitutionnelle moderne. Les droits de l’homme et du citoyen y furent proclamés, et le droit ancré dans la démocratie. Les choses ont commencé dans quelques États d’Amérique, leur unification a suivi, mais l’événement à proprement parler dramatique, qui allait faire de la révolution constitutionnelle un événement irréversible, fut la Révolution française de 1789. Revendiquer des constitutions fut l’élément dominant du xixe siècle, tenir la promesse de réaliser les droits de l’homme et la démocratie celui du xxe siècle. L’arc se tend sans peine de 1789 à 1989, et même après, il n’y a pas d’issue visible, pas d’alternative en vue. Même le vent froid de la globalisation n’a pas fait pâlir les espoirs utopiques orientés vers la démocratie et les droits de l’homme. ...
In China war das europäische Völkerrecht bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts weitgehend unbekannt. Abgesehen von einzelnen Verträgen aus dem 17. und 18. Jahrhundert gab es weder Vertragspraxis noch Völkerrechtswissenschaft. Dies änderte sich erst durch Chinas Kriege mit westlichen Mächten. Die »Barbaren« nutzten ihre militärische Überlegenheit gegenüber China, um durch erzwungene völkerrechtliche Friedensverträge Handelsinteressen zu verwirklichen und halbkoloniale Strukturen zu etablieren. Diese Friedensübereinkommen wurden und werden, als "ungleiche Verträge" überschrieben, vielfach in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur besprochen. ...
"Entre direitos iguais, a força decide", proferiu karl marx ao descrever a antinomia do direito em situações antagônicas das relações de produção capitalistas, em que "o direito [oferece resistência] ao direito" nesse ponto, marx aborda uma questão que se situa no centro de todas as teorias jurídicas críticas: que tipo de violência é velada por meio do mecanismo de ocultação denominado "direito"? Para responder a esta questão, tentar-se-á, a seguir, tornar a teoria da hegemonia de antonio gramsci e seu modelo de direito hegemônico produtivos para o campo da teoria do direito. Tal tarefa tem de lidar com a dupla dificuldade de que, por um lado, gramsci não foi um teórico do direito no sentido mais estrito, razão pela qual o potencial de sua teoria para uma análise do direito raramente foi utilizada. Por outro lado, sua abordagem só pode ser empregada por meio de uma crítica às restrições relacionadas a seu tempo. isso se aplica especialmente à sua concepção de economia como a base e a núcleo essencialista oculto (laclau; mouffe, 2001:69), assim como à sua ideia de 'classismo' sob a forma de um enfoque unilateral das classes, em que há preferencialmente mais de um "pluralismo de poder" e inúmeras lutas (litowitz, 2000: 536). Recuperar-se-á, consequentemente, argumentos-chave, ampliando-os pela utilização das recentes descobertas feitas pelas abordagens feminista e neomaterialista da teoria jurídica, bem como as análises de foucault acerca das tecnologias de poder. por fim, uma interpretação da teoria sistêmica das autonomizações comunicativas.