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The present article explores perceptions and cultural constructions of the terms capitalism or capitalistic West among ex-Soviet, highly qualified Jewish migrants from Russia and Ukraine after their emigration to Germany between 1990 and 1996. It seems that migration offers a unique opportunity to migrants to realise knowledge that is normally taken for granted, behaviour schemes and values, and to reflect on them. How do they acquire such presumed capitalist knowledge of the new society and new social world, how do they create it, and with what concrete contents do they connect the illusion about monolithic cultural, economic and political capital, the illusion which contributes to group formation and which serves as action orientation? As my research shows, immigrants try to disparage much of what appeared to them in the Soviet Union as normative, right and appropriate; now they often act by way of categories, which were defined in the previous context as "capitalist" and were interpreted as immoral. Without exact ideas or knowledge about behaviour codes, unspoken norms and silent values from the new society, many immigrants orient themselves towards the opposite of what was counted as morally proper in the origin society. Simultaneously they revive old system through the establishing and development of a Russian language enclave. Nevertheless this enclave is not located in a vacuum of "dusty" memories from the past, but build transnational cross-border space connected and corresponding to the processes of to-day's CIS and with the life of those relatives and friends who still live there, und with whom the emigrants share intensive social networks.
Even though tourism has been recognised as an important field for transnational research today, there are few attempts to place tourism in the context of transnational theories or to think about transnationalism from the perspective of tourists. I argue that in researching tourist practices one can add important aspects to transnational approaches. The prerequisites of mobility and interaction for example are the features chosen by backpackers to describe what their Round-The-World-Trip is about. A form of tourism is adopted, or created, that itself confronts many aspects of globalisation: First of all there is the immense dynamic that is involved. Backpackers try to cover as many places and experiences as possible, travelling at high speed. They adopt all kinds of touristic experiences ranging from beach to adventure to culture tourism. They don't focus on a specific area or country but travel the world. They cross national borders perpetually. Additionally they form a transnational network in which they interact with strangers of similar backgrounds (other backpackers, tourist professionals). This network helps them interacting with people from different backgrounds (the socalled hosts or locals). Considering my research Backpackers forge a certain identity from these transnational practices which I want to name globedentity. Globedentity expresses a type of identity construction that not only refers to the individual (I) but reflects the world (globe) in this identity. This globedentity is not fixed but is perpetually re-created and re-defined. It also embraces the increasing popular awareness of globalisation which backpackers, coming from highly educated middle class backgrounds, in particular have identified with. Due to the constant awareness of the latest global social, cultural and economic developments in these educated milieus they know exactly which tools to use to become successful parts of their societies.
The dissertation, ”Coping with emergent hearing loss”, is written in English and is based on the diversity of problems connected to hearing loss and the adaptation of hearing aids. The research was carried out in Denmark and involves adults with an emergent hearing loss, who have decided to become hearing aid users. The data is analyzed through methods of cultural anthropology with focus on the following topics: How do the new users cope with the status passage towards being hearing aid users, how do they integrate the hearing aids into their lives, and what are the involved learning processes. What are the consequences of the provision by the state of free hearing aids, their free adaptation as well as free batteries, and does the state take part in the construction of the social group of new hearing aid users? The method is based on qualitative field work. Two public hospitals were helpful in identifying 24 new users, who acquired a free hearing aid through the hearing health care system. Through ENTs and private dispensers 17 further respondents joined the study – these acquired their hearing aids with a considerable state subsidy but mostly they themselves contributed financially as well. The 41 respondents between the ages of 42 to 92 years of age came from a wide range of professions and were followed throughout 2003 und 2004. After an in-depth qualitative interview, the contact to the respondents was maintained in order to follow the process of integration into their lives. When possible, the respondents were accompanied to their appointments in the private or public clinics. Moreover, interviews with experts from the public hearing health care system, politicians and user organisations were carried out, and the general public debate on the hard of hearing and hearing loss was followed and recorded. The second chapter gives an overview of the position of audiology in Denmark, of epidemiological information on hearing loss in the Danish society and statistics to the use of hearing aids. Moreover, basic information is given about the functioning of the human ear, the auditive perception and diagnosis and classification of hearing loss as well as a short introduction to the hearing aid technology. The structure of the further thesis divides the material into three pillars that make the discussion of the interaction processes possible. (1) The user’s interaction with the lifeworld concerns the meaning of hearing in relation to social participation. For some of the users, a good sense of hearing was essential to communicate freely and uphold their position in relation to others, whereas other respondents paid less attention to the information they acquired through their sense of hearing. A number of the respondents were selective and only used their hearing aids in specific situations, whereas another group discontinued the use of their hearing aids for various reasons. Status passages that hold specific challenges like a new work place or a new marriage motivate the continued everyday use. On the whole, the thesis illustrates that hearing loss is a socially dividing factor that complicates the interaction with others. In comparison to other bodily impairments or diseases, the hearing loss is rarely used as occasion to unite with fellow sufferers, join patient organisations or form self help groups. (2) The users’ interaction with the institutions The medical anthropologist Arthur Kleinman conceptualises health care as a moral process in which essential issues are at stake for the users. Different factors interact in the process: the training of the experts, allocation of funds, the quality of the technology, the dispensing procedures and the motivation and individual characteristics of the new users. The integration of the hearing aid into the lifeworld can be compared to a learning process, for which reason the learning theory of the anthropologist Gregory Bateson is outlined. Susanne Bisgaard’s own theory lists the meaning creating elements that serve as motivation for the users to counteract contingency (occurrences that influence the adaptation negatively). In the interaction between individual and society, the individual can apply strategies in order to eliminate stumbling blocks. (3) The users’ interaction with the technology A number of theorists from Anthropology as well as Science and Technology Studies are discussed in order to question their validity with regard to human action autonomy vs. technological determination and test the theoretical models with regard to their usability for the thesis. Hearing aids have a supporting function in everyday life and have the capability of moderating the user’s perception of sound. The alienating experience of hearing one’s own voice amplified, of wearing a foreign body in the ear and the different strategies that emerge from the more or less successful handling of the technology is reported by way of case stories and quotes from the interviews.
The area around the Lake Chad is characterized as an example for a region where ethnic changes abundantly took place and still do. For example some Kanuri districts, or the leaders of those districts, are (unofficially) named after other ethnic names (e.g. Margi, Shuwa) or Kanuri clan names are identical with ethnic names of other groups, eg. Tera, Bade. Both people speak a Chadic language and live in the south and west of the Kanuri respectively. These are indications that the Kanuri formerly absorbed and integrated these peoples. These processes are not only a phenomenon of the past. In the case of the neighbouring Gamergu people an ongoing process of ethnic change towards a Kanuri identity is observed until present. The research projects1 have revealed that the concept of "ethnic units" is far from being static which the term may suggest. This especially applies to the German Stamm, which implies a static concept of ethnicity. However, in Borno the dynamics of ethnic and linguistic change are prevailing. Therefore Ronald Cohen rejected the term "ethnic unit", or even "tribe" for the Kanuri and preferred "nation" instead. Umara Bulakarima argued along the same line but used "ethnic group" for Kanuri subunits, e.g. Manga, Mowar, Suwurti. There is no doubt that the Kanuri played a dominant part in the history of the Lake Chad area during the past centuries. Therefore the "Kanurization" process may not surprise. However, in the following it will be revealed that the processes of contact and resulting adaptations and delimitations are not necessarily unidirectional from Kanuri to other groups. At least in some cases they may go into the opposite direction, e.g. from Gamergu to Kanuri.
Tigers are indisputably in danger of extinction due to habitat loss and demand for their parts. Tigers are extirpated in the wild from every country bar one in mainland East and Southeast Asia. Although consumption of tiger products is known to be established in China, less is known about demand for tiger products in Southeast Asia. In this study, we investigate tiger product demand in Vietnam, a major illegal wildlife consumer country. There has been little research into consumption, in particular the level of use, the products being consumed, variation in use of products between areas, and the motivations of consuming tiger products. Through a quantitative survey of 1120 individuals, we show that use of tiger products could be as high as ~11% of the sample in both urban centers of Vietnam, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. Tiger bone glue is the predominant product used, for medicinal purposes. In Hanoi, it is generally purchased by the individual for self-use, while in Ho Chi Minh City it is generally purchased as a gift. In both cities, individuals were generally highly satisfied with the product, indicating entrenched belief in efficacy among consumers. Ultimately, our results show that tiger product use is relatively pervasive. We suggest that conservation organizations should focus on behavior change campaigns that are informed by the results here, and that are specific to each area and to the specific use of tiger product glue for medicine. By reducing demand, beleaguered tiger populations will have a greater chance of stabilization and eventual growth.
Canada’s geographic centre lies in the Territory Nunavut. From here the distance to the geographic North Pole is as far as to the US border. Nunavut takes up about 1/5 of the Canadian land mass but has by far the smallest population with currently about 38,000 residents. 85% of its population are Inuit whose culture dramatically changed within the last 70 years.
As a result, the territory is dealing with several generations of Inuit that are traumatized or at least severely affected by cultural and economic changes that started after World War 2 with the resettlement from the land into permanent communities. No matter if we are talking about the actual elders, mid-age adults or pre-teenagers, each of this generation experienced and still experiences various personal and cultural challenges of identity, financial and housing insecurity, food insecurity, substance abuse education, change of social values ranging from inter-generational and gender relationships to the introduction of a foreign political and legal system.
On the other side, a lot of the traditional societal values are still being practiced in Inuit families. Despite all the tragedies that several generations of Inuit have experienced by now, the society keeps generating the strength and cultural pride that allows many Inuit both, as individuals and as a collective under the umbrella of either Inuit Land Claims or not for profit organizations to advocate on behalf of Inuit culture, to fight for more acknowledgement of Inuit culture and to enhance pride in the historic and present day cultural achievements of Nunavut’s indigenous population.
The social issues, inter- and intra-cultural processes described in my thesis are not exclusive to the situation in Nunavut or to Inuit. Studies from other regions, in Canada or from around the world (LaPrairie 1987; Jensen 1986; Nunatsiaq News 6/30/2010) reveal similar challenges.
Though many structural similarities can be identified by comparing these studies with each other, e.g. marginalization of the indigenous local population, colonization, paternalism and resulting issues like personal and cultural identity loss, it is important to have a more in depth look into the single cases to determine which individual events and developments causes and maybe still cause such a devastating social situation as it is found among many indigenous peoples across the world. From my perspective effective improvements of the situation of a group, a respective community or region can only happen when particularities of socialization, communication and philosophy in the single cultural entities are being considered.
That is why my thesis will exclusively focus on developments in Nunavut and use various case studies of communities. The case studies shall help to identify local differences in historic and recent developments and thus provide starting points for explanations of different developments in different Nunavut communities.
The thesis is looking at both, historic and recent root causes for the many issues in Nunavut.
The data that my my thesis is based on are a combination of literature and about 60 formal and informal interviews that I conducted in three Nunavut communities (Iqaluit, Whale Cove, Kugluktuk) during my 18 months of field work between October 2008 and March 2010. Many more spontaneous unstructured conversations between me and community members added to the pool of first-hand information that I gathered.
Since my field work is limited to those three communities it has a very strong qualitative character. The quantitative side, which allows me to confidently apply my research analyses to entire Nunavut, comes from literature research as well as many informal conversations and a few formal interviews that I conducted with people who had some experience in other communities than Iqaluit, Kugluktuk and Whale Cove.
Furthermore, while I was living at the old residence of the Nunavut Arctic College in Iqaluit, I spend time with college students from across Nunavut. Through them, I obtained „case studies “from following communities: Iqaluit, Qikiqtarjuaq, Kimmirut, Pangnirtung, Clyde River, Pond Inlet, Igloolik, Repulse Bay, Cape Dorset, Chesterfield Inlet, Baker Lake, Rankin Inlet, Whale Cove, Arviat, Taloyoak, Kugluktuk.
My general categorization of “early contact period”, “contact”, “1st generation” and “2nd generation” is very similar to Damas’ terms of “early contact phase”, “contact – traditional”, “resettlement” that he uses to create a timeline that describes the major phases of impact for Inuit society (Damas 2002: 7, 17).
Chapters 2 is meant to provide an inventory of the key aspects of current social issues in Nunavut. In this context I am looking at the four major aspects that in my opinion shape Nunavut’s society:
1) violence and other forms of social dysfunctions
2) the associated services and delivering agencies that try to address those matters
3) Education
4) Inuit cultural particularities in communication and socialization
Those four areas are forming the foundation for the rest of my work. The following chapters will guide the reader through the historic transformation process of Inuit pre-colonial semi-nomadic society to a society that is living in permanent settlements, strongly influenced if not in many ways dominated by Euro-Canadian culture. Each of those chapters will be referring to the social and cultural changes that happened in the different time periods that I labeled with “Pre-settlement, First, Second, and Third Generation”. The relevance of violence and other social dysfunctions, their context and strategies how each generation dealt with those matters will be analyzed while I will be also referring to the impacts that non-Inuit, primarily Euro-Canadians and Euro-Americans had and have on Inuit society.
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