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Im Vorfeld des 200jährigen Jubiläums der Expedition von Lewis & Clark (2003-2006) begannen auf der Standing Rock Indian Reservation auf der Grenze der US-Bundesstaaten North Dakota und South Dakota die Planungen für den Aus- bzw. Aufbau einer touristischen Infrastruktur auf der Reservation. Diese sollten bis zum Jahr 2004 weitgehend abgeschlossen sein sollte, um von den erwarteten drei Millionen Jubiläumsreisenden einerseits wirtschaftlich zu profitieren, andererseits diese aber auch inhaltlich und räumlich zu kontrollieren. Die Studie beschäftigt sich mit der Entwicklung bis 2004 und untersucht, welche Faktoren diese positiv und negativ beeinflussten. Dabei wird deutlich, dass die Tätigkeiten auf der Reservation nicht allein von internen, sondern vielmehr auch von externen Faktoren, wie beispielsweise den Tourismusbehörden der Bundesstaaten, der Nachbargemeinde Mobridge, South Dakota, der Tribal Tourism Partnership Initiative des United Tribes Technical College, abhängig waren. Zudem wirft die Studie einen Blick auf die Organisationsstruktur der Reservation, wo das stammeseigene College eine wichtige Rolle in der Wirtschaftsförderung spielt und die Tourismusplanungen in Gang gebracht hat.
This article departs from the hypothesis that Alexander von Humboldt used ‘Big Data’ in order to bring new scientific evidence into the open. His method of measuring and combining temperature, humidity, altitude and magnetism in a geographical environment must be regarded as innovative, indeed, as the foundation of modern science. Although Humboldt lived in an analogue world and used the instruments of his time, his way of assembling information was not so different from what we are seeing in today's digitalised world. Information has no value unless it is shared. It does not say anything unless it is linked with other data. It cannot remain isolated but must be compared and interpreted. The generation of ʻBig Dataʼ was a pathway to Humboldt's concept of ʻKosmosʼ in much the same way as ʻBig Dataʼ today is the pathway to a virtual world. In this sense, Humboldt not only laid the foundation of modern science but anticipated the existence of a world where data and information are the source of everything when it comes to understanding the interconnectivity of the physical and the virtual world.
Es sind weit mehr als jene sprichwörtlichen Siebensachen, die ein ghanaischer Oberschüler beim Eintritt in eines der zahlreichen Internate des Landes mitzubringen hat. Ein zuvor ausgehändigter "prospectus" verzeichnet so nützliche und notwendige Dinge wie Bügeleisen, Wassereimer, Buschmesser, Scheuerbürste, Schaumstoffmatratze und einiges andere mehr. Was die Bekleidung betrifft, so findet sich auf dieser Liste neben "white trousers for church service" und "khaki trousers" auch ein ausdrücklich mit dem Zusatz "school supply" versehenes "pair of khaki shorts": Bis heute identifizieren sich "school boys" in Ghana durch sowohl den klimatischen Bedingungen als auch einer impliziten sozialen Hierarchie genügende kurze Hosen, für die sich im informellen Idiom die Bezeichnung 'school knickers' durchgesetzt hat.
Es ist so eine Sache mit der Gattung der "gesammelten Aufsätze": Sie bieten in praktischer Form thematisch zusammenhängende Beiträge eines Autors, die über einen längeren Zeitraum entstanden und an unterschiedlichen Orten publiziert wurden. Im günstigsten Fall entfalten die Texte durch den unmittelbaren Dialog ein neues Panorama, das die Genese und Ausarbeitung eines Forschungsbereichs widerspiegelt. Stets besteht aber auch die Gefahr, Texte neu zirkulieren zu lassen, deren fruchtbarste Zeit doch in der Vergangenheit liegt. Die Lektüre eines solchen Bandes ist daher nicht nur mit der (Wieder-)Entdeckung alter und neuer Perspektiven und Materialien verbunden, sondern fordert zugleich zur Reflexion über die Gattung selbst auf. Das gilt umso mehr in einer Zeit, in der die Möglichkeit zur Erstellung "virtueller Dossiers" bestünde, die nicht notwendigerweise als gedrucktes Buch vorliegen müssen. ...
A version of this paper was originally written for a plenary session about "The Futures of Ethnography" at the 1998 EASA conference in Frankfurt/Main. In the preparation of the paper, I sent out some questions to my former fellow researchers by e-mail. I thank Douglas Anthony, Jan-Patrick Heiß, Alaine Hutson, Matthias Krings, and Brian Larkin for their answers.
A origem dos Ovimbundu tem sido motivo de estudos apaixonados por parte de vários historiadores. Uma das razões tem a ver com o facto de se tratar de um grupo étnico que marcou (e continua a marcar), de modo profundo, a história económica, social, política e cultural da porção de território que hoje se chama Angola.
Num dos artigos, relativos à história dos Ovimbundu, apresentamos três hipóteses sobre a possível origem deste grupo étnico, tendo-nos inclinado, depois de apresentarmos alguns factos, para a hipótese para nós a mais defensável segundo a qual os Ovimbundu descendem dos autores das pinturas rupestres de Caninguiri que, através de um processo de aculturação e miscigenação, foram adquirindo traços dos outros grupos bantu, chegados de paragens e latitudes longínquas. Os mitos possuem uma importância capital, porquanto a análise das narrativas permite não só resgatar elementos susceptíveis de subsidiar a análise de factos históricos (complementando as fontes escritas), como também auxiliar na identificação de elementos culturais com vista à construção da identidade de um determinado grupo étnico.
Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam is a multicultural province within a multicultural state. Hence, its political leaders not only face the need to integrate ethnic and cultural diversity into a regional framework, but also have to define Aceh’s role within the Indonesian nation. During its violent past which was characterized by exploitation and military oppression, there were good reasons to emphasize sameness over diversity and to build up the consciousness of a unified Acehnese identity. From both an emic and an etic perspective, it is today widely accepted that there is such a thing as a homogeneous Acehnese culture which is rooted in a glorious, though troublesome, history of repression and rebellion and shaped by a strong Islamic piety. Even if it is true that Acehnese history has created a strong regional identity, it must not be forgotten that people living in this area belong to various ethnic and cultural groups and that they represent a rich variety of different cultures rather than simply a single homogeneous culture. As a matter of fact, the practises and discourses of Islam here also vary depending on the cultural background of the people. As elsewhere in Indonesia and beyond, world religions have to adapt to local customs, have to be appropriated by the local people, and have to be indigenized. This is the reason why adat still continues to play a role in every local context, even if it has been treated with suspicion in many parts of Indonesia since the Dutch colonial administration began using it as a counterforce against Islam in order to implement their divide-and-rule strategy. With this article, I wish to shed some light on the complexities of Acehnese culture, as it encompasses numerous very distinct local cultures and this reflects on the general significance of culture for the construction and reconstruction of post-tsunami Aceh.
The area around the Lake Chad is characterized as an example for a region where ethnic changes abundantly took place and still do. For example some Kanuri districts, or the leaders of those districts, are (unofficially) named after other ethnic names (e.g. Margi, Shuwa) or Kanuri clan names are identical with ethnic names of other groups, eg. Tera, Bade. Both people speak a Chadic language and live in the south and west of the Kanuri respectively. These are indications that the Kanuri formerly absorbed and integrated these peoples. These processes are not only a phenomenon of the past. In the case of the neighbouring Gamergu people an ongoing process of ethnic change towards a Kanuri identity is observed until present. The research projects1 have revealed that the concept of "ethnic units" is far from being static which the term may suggest. This especially applies to the German Stamm, which implies a static concept of ethnicity. However, in Borno the dynamics of ethnic and linguistic change are prevailing. Therefore Ronald Cohen rejected the term "ethnic unit", or even "tribe" for the Kanuri and preferred "nation" instead. Umara Bulakarima argued along the same line but used "ethnic group" for Kanuri subunits, e.g. Manga, Mowar, Suwurti. There is no doubt that the Kanuri played a dominant part in the history of the Lake Chad area during the past centuries. Therefore the "Kanurization" process may not surprise. However, in the following it will be revealed that the processes of contact and resulting adaptations and delimitations are not necessarily unidirectional from Kanuri to other groups. At least in some cases they may go into the opposite direction, e.g. from Gamergu to Kanuri.