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The syntactic and semantic complexity of the so-called numeral classifier (NUM-CL) constructions in languages like Korean (Japanese and Chinese as well) has much challenged theoretical as well as computational approaches. Among several types of the NUM-CL constructions, the most complicated type includes the so-called FQ (floated numeral classifier/quantifier) construction where the NUM-CL 'floats' away from its antecedent. This paper, couched upon the non-derivational VP-modifier view, shows that in addition to the grammatical function of the host NP and types of the main predicate, properties of the intervening expression between the FQ and its host NP also play an important role in licensing the FQ's distribution. In particular, we show that the FQ introduces new information in discourse and as default sets off rheme in the thematic structure. This functional analysis can provide an answer to several puzzling contrasts we observe in the distribution of the FQ.
We will observe which stem allomorph the affixes, the so-called 'non-past' affix, the past affix, the imperative affix, the negative affix and the voice affix-like verbs, select between the longer and the shorter in Japanese-Yanagawa dialect on the assumption that verbal lexemes may be associated with more than one stem. Observing the phenomenon more closely, we found that the verbal stem forms entertain default implicative relations in the stem dependency hierarchy. We will propose i) an implemented analysis of the past affix and ii) an implementation of the allomorph selections by the 'non-past' affix in Koga and Ono, 2010 as two examples.
In this paper I use the formal framework of minimalist grammars to implement a version of the traditional approach to ellipsis as 'deletion under syntactic (derivational) identity', which, in conjunction with canonical analyses of voice phenomena, immediately allows for voice mismatches in verb phrase ellipsis, but not in sluicing. This approach to ellipsis is naturally implemented in a parser by means of threading a state encoding a set of possible antecedent derivation contexts through the derivation tree. Similarities between ellipsis and pronominal resolution are easily stated in these terms. In the context of this implementation, two approaches to ellipsis in the transformational community are naturally seen as equivalent descriptions at different levels: the LF-copying approach to ellipsis resolution is best seen as a description of the parser, whereas the phonological deletion approach a description of the underlying relation between form and meaning.
Chung (2001) claims that non-final conjuncts without overt tense morphemes which produce asymmetric tense interpretations are to be analyzed as TP; and Lee (2005) argues that the verbal honorific affix -si- never occurs in non-final conjuncts so honorific agreement between the subject and the verb takes place in the final conjunct only and thus the Korean gapping constructions should be analyzed as vP coordination. However, these two previous analyses seem to fail to make the generalizations on the distributional behaviors of gapping constructions, facing theoretical and empirical difficulties. To solve the problems they face, we claim that verbal gapping in Korean is allowed to occur in all non-final conjuncts when the covert predicates of the non-final conjuncts have an identical semantic relation value with that of the overt verb in the final conjunct, regardless of the consistency of the honorific and tense values between conjuncts.
This paper is intended to investigate the linguistic behaviors of the Korean as-parenthetical constructions with the aim of devoting to distinguishing universal properties of as-parentheticals. This paper shows three prominent behaviors in Korean as-parenthetical constructions. First, the Korean as-clause displays that the syntactic gap in as-clauses must be realized as CP, through the variations on case marker. Secondly, the Korean as-parentheticals tend to have two types of as-clauses; CP or VP as-clause types. In addition, they are sensitive to the syntactic restrictions which can be noticed in as-parenthetical constructions: the sisterhood restriction and the Island boundary. Thirdly, the Korean as-parenthetical constructions reveal that they would require some pragmatic information which is combined with semantic meaning, in the process of getting the interpretation of as-clauses.
The paper presents a type of ellipsis similar to stripping and split conjuncts, yet irreducible to either of them. One aim of the analysis is to document the existence of this distinct ellipsis type within the class of constructions where the elided constituent is a verb or a verb phrase. It is argued that the main generative strategies, namely, deletion and null anaphora cannot be applied to this ellipsis type in order to account for it. Instead, the study shows that an approach which takes the asymmetry syntax-semantics of this construction as basic is much more successful in explaining the nature of this type of ellipsis. This alternative approach is the one offered by the HPSG framework.
This paper presents a left-branching constructionalist grammar design where the phrase structure tree does not correspond to the conventional constituent structure. The constituent structure is rather reflected by embeddings on a feature STACK. The design is compatible with incremental processing, as words are combined from left to right, one by one, and it gives a simple account of long distance dependencies, where the extracted element is assumed to be dominated by the extraction site. It is motivated by psycholinguistic findings.
This paper presents an account of the position of sentence adverbials in Norwegian within a left-branching HPSG-like grammar design. The assumed left-branching structures open for a treatment of Object Shift in Norwegian as part of a wider phenomenon referred to as the Adverb Argument Intersection Field. The approach is compared to the standard P&P analysis of Object Shift and it is shown that the two approaches make similar predictions regarding basic clause structures with full NP arguments. However, while one in P&P is forced to assume a secondary phonological movement in order to account for the position of unstressed pronoun objects with regard to sentence adverbials, no extra assumptions need to be made in the proposed account.
Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic have several relativization patterns, including relative clauses with and without relativizers and adjectival modification patterns. Previous generative work has targeted several phenomena, but there is no analysis which covers all relativization patterns in any generative framework. We present an HPSG analysis that covers these phenomena in a uniform manner. Based on Doron and Reintges (2005), we show that the crosslinguistically unusual syntax of adjectival modifiers is a language-internally expected variant of participial modifiers as found in English. We also present the first HPSG analysis of Arabic broad subjects and argue that they are selected as specifiers, accounting for the similarities between broad subjects and ordinary subjects.
Recent years have witnessed a renewal of interest in variable morph ordering, the situation where the position of a morph in the word is not constant. These situations present a challenge to extant inferential-realisational approaches to morphology (Stump, 2001), insofar as these adopt implicitly or explicitly an a-morphous approach to morphological composition (Anderson, 1992). In this paper we will first review the typology of known variable morph ordering phenomena in inflection. We then argue that the challenges can be met by making a distinction between paradigmatic opposition classes and syntagmatic position classes, and show that this distinction can readily be implemented in HPSG while keeping the amorphous assumption.
