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This study evaluates whether the short version of the German LITMUS quasi-universal nonword repetition task (LITMUS-QU-NWR) can be used as an index test for monolingual and early second language learners (eL2) of German aged 8 to 10 years. The NWR taps into quasi-universal phonological knowledge via the so-called language-independent part and into language-specific phonological knowledge via the language-dependent part. Thirty-six monolingual and thirty-three eL2 learners of German, typically developing (TD) and diagnosed as language-impaired (DLD), participated in the study. The effects of the language group (Mo vs. eL2) and the clinical status (TD vs. DLD) on repetition accuracy are investigated by a logistic mixed-model analysis. Receiver operating characteristics (ROC) and likelihood ratios are calculated to determine the diagnostic accuracy of the two parts. The group comparisons showed significant effects of the clinical status but not of the language group. The ROC analyses and the likelihood ratios reveal better diagnostic values for the language-dependent compared to the language-independent part and almost similar diagnostic values for the monolingual and the eL2 group. The results indicate that the LITMUS-QU-NWR helps to disentangle DLD and DLD in monolingual children and eL2 learners aged 8 to 10 years.
Sentence repetition tasks (SRTs) have been extensively used as measures of bilinguals’ language abilities. Most studies relied on SRTs in which the target sentences were not connected to each other. However, participants’ performance may differ if these sentences are embedded in discourse, since discourse provides participants with additional cues for sentence comprehension and interpretation. For the present study, we designed a discourse-based SRT, whereby the target sentences were connected to each other in a story. We examined the effect of discourse on bilinguals’ performance in the SRT and investigated whether this effect varied based on the language of administration, bilinguals’ dominance score and type of target structure. We tested 32 Italian-German bilingual children (7–12 years) living in Germany with two SRTs in each language, one with discourse and one without discourse. Participants showed a better performance in the SRTs with discourse, especially in the heritage language (Italian). The effect of discourse was visible across the board with all target structures. On the whole, SRTs with discourse seem to reduce the processing costs associated with lexical retrieval and shifts in scenarios, thus tapping more directly into children's processing abilities, compared to more traditional SRTs. The results are discussed in terms of ecological validity of different assessment instruments.
Most studies on bilingual children's metalinguistic awareness assess metalinguistic awareness using monolingual tasks. This may not reflect how a bilingual's languages dynamically interact with each other in creating metalinguistic representations. We tested 33 Greek–Italian bilingual children (8–11 years) for metalinguistic awareness using acceptability-rating tasks in which they had to judge and explain grammatical errors. The tasks were in monolingual and bilingual modes in order to show how far metalinguistic awareness in Italian benefited from the activation of Greek. The participants exhibited better metalinguistic awareness abilities in Italian in the bilingual acceptability-rating task in which Greek was activated. The benefits of the bilingual mode were visible in the judgment and explanation of errors and were modulated by syntactic processing abilities in Italian, length of exposure to Italian, type of structure, and age. The results show that metalinguistic awareness can be shared across languages. We discuss the pedagogical implications of our findings.
In narratology, a widely recognized method involves exploring the connection between implied authors and implied readers. It entails correlating abstract narrative components within a text to understand the conveyed message and the multitude of interpretations it can offer. The present study adopts an implied reader-oriented approach to analyze three selected novels from the twentieth and twenty-first centuries—one Nigerian, one Caribbean, and one Kurdish. The aim is to explore the potential readings within these texts, considering the hermeneutic process of critical reading. The selected texts include Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, (1958), Same Selvon’s The Lonely Londoners, (1956), and Karwan Kakesur’s The Channels of the Armed Monkeys, (2011). This approach closely examines the communication between the author and reader of the text, with a special focus on the varying levels of communication between the components of the narration, including fictional and implied fictional communication.
The implied fictional communication occurs between a narrative agent known as ‘the implied author’ and its fictional counterpart ‘the implied reader’ rather than between the real, flesh and blood authors and readers. I argue that this level of communication is coded, and the act of decoding it is part of the reading process performed by the reader. Certain texts can propose different and sometimes opposing readings which are initially and purposefully designed by the implied author and addressed to different implied readers. These readings are not necessarily the results of different real readers but rather incorporated ones predetermined by the implied author only to be acknowledged and uncovered by the readers. In other words, the latent meaning is and always was an integral part of the text and is not something created by the imaginative reader or critic. The core interest of my thesis lies in identifying prompts and suggestions within the narrative of the selected texts and ultimately understanding the readerships prestructured in them. Identifying the different readers within those texts will provide new reinterpretations that can add undetected values to the reading process and sometimes suggests opposing readings to how those texts have so far been read. Additionally, it is the objective of this thesis to propose new ways that readers can interact with reading literature that would result in a more aesthetic and entertaining reading experience besides providing ways to be more informed and aware of the cues certain narrative texts contain.
There have been numerous critical studies on both narratology and postcolonial or minority literatures; however, there has been little scholarly work that attempts to utilize narratology as a theoretical foundation for understanding postcolonial and minority fiction.
This study examines fictional texts from Nigerian, Caribbean, and Kurdish literature, employing the narratological concept known as ‘Multiple Implied Readers’. By incorporating concepts from Brian Richardson’s ‘Singular Text, Multiple Implied Readers’, and Peter J. Rabinowitz’s ‘authorial audiences’, I explore the various readerships that the texts could encompass. This exploitation may lead to the discovery of new readings, interpretations, and meanings that would otherwise remain undetected. These structures introduce provocative indeterminacies that challenge the reader’s synthesis of information into coherent configurations of meaning. Consequently, this approach not only enhances the reading experience but also opens doors to new interpretations of the text. In some cases, these interpretations could even dismantle prior understandings and propose entirely new readings.
The concepts of the implied author and implied reader have been studied before in relation to various disciplines of narratology. However, by applying them in conjunction with the relatively less researched subject of multiple implied readers, I aim to shed light on important aspects of these readings. This exploration could prove beneficial for literature students as well as critical readers of literary texts, revealing the potential of these texts to accommodate more than one implied reader within their narratives.
Highlights
• Gender cues are defined differently across languages.
• We propose a new refined and standardized definition of gender transparency.
• Gender transparency is quantifiable with values that match theoretical expectations.
• We present the first quantitative method to measure the gender transparency of languages.
Abstract
Languages can express grammatical gender through different ortho-phonological regularities present in nouns (e.g., the cues “-o” and “-a” for the masculine and the feminine respectively in Italian, Portuguese, or Spanish). The term “gender transparency” was coined to describe these regularities (Bates et al., 1995). In gendered languages, we can hence distinguish between transparent nouns, i.e., those displaying form regularities; opaque nouns, i.e., those with ambiguous endings; and irregular nouns, i.e., those that display the typical form regularities but are associated with the opposite gender. Following a descriptive analysis of such regularities, languages have been recently classified according to their degree of gender transparency, which seems relevant in regard to gender acquisition and processing. Yet, there are certain inconsistencies in determining which languages are overall transparent and which are opaque. In particular, it is not clear whether some other complex regularities such as derivational suffixes are also “transparent” cues for gender, what really constitutes an “opaque” noun, or which role orthography and morphology have in transparency. Given the existing inconsistencies in classifying languages as transparent or opaque, this work introduces a proposal to assess gender transparency systematically. Our methodology adapts the standardized factors proposed by Audring (2019) to analyse the relative complexity of gender systems. Such factors are adapted to gender transparency on the basis of the literature on gender acquisition and processing. To support the feasibility of such a proposal, the concepts have been instantiated in a quantitative model to obtain for the first time an objective measure of gender transparency using European Portuguese and Dutch as instances of target languages. Our results coincide with the theoretically expected outcome: European Portuguese obtains a high value of gender transparency while Dutch obtains a moderately low one. Future adaptations of this model to the gender systems of other languages could allow the continuum of gender transparency to sustain robust predictions in studies on gender processing and acquisition.
Pitch peaks tend to be higher at the beginning of longer than shorter sentences (e.g., ‘A farmer is pulling donkeys’ vs ‘A farmer is pulling a donkey and goat’), whereas pitch valleys at the ends of sentences are rather constant for a given speaker. These data seem to imply that speakers avoid dropping their voice pitch too low by planning the height of sentence-initial pitch peaks prior to speaking. However, the length effect on sentence-initial pitch peaks appears to vary across different types of sentences, speakers and languages. Therefore, the notion that speakers plan sentence intonation in advance due to the limitations in low voice pitch leaves part of the data unexplained. Consequently, this study suggests a complementary cognitive account of length-dependent pitch scaling. In particular, it proposes that the sentence-initial pitch raise in long sentences is related to high demands on mental resources during the early stages of sentence planning. To tap into the cognitive underpinnings of planning sentence intonation, this study adopts the methodology of recording eye movements during a picture description task, as the eye movements are the established approximation of the real-time planning processes. Measures of voice pitch (Fundamental Frequency) and incrementality (eye movements) are used to examine the relationship between (verbal) working memory (WM), incrementality of sentence planning and the height of sentence-initial pitch peaks.
The standard view of the form-meaning interfaces, as embraced by the great majority of contemporary grammatical frameworks, consists in the assumption that meaning can be associated with grammatical form in a one-to-one correspondence. Under this view, composition is quite straightforward, involving concatenation of form, paired with functional application in meaning. In this book, we discuss linguistic phenomena across several grammatical sub-modules (morphology, syntax, semantics) that apparently pose a problem to the standard view, mapping out the potential for deviation from the ideal of one-to-one correspondences, and develop formal accounts of the range of phenomena. We argue that a constraint-based perspective is particularly apt to accommodate deviations from one-to-many correspondences, as it allows us to impose constraints on full structures (such as a complete word or the interpretation of a full sentence) instead of deriving such structures step by step.
Most of the papers in this volume are formulated in a particular constraint-based grammar framework, Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar. The contributions investigate how the lexical and constructional aspects of this theory can be combined to provide an answer to this question across different linguistic sub-theories.
This dissertation is about case competition in headless relatives. Case competition is a situation in which two cases are assigned but only one of them surfaces. One of the constructions in which case competition takes place is in headless relatives, i.e. relative clauses that lack a head. This dissertation has two goals: (i) to give an overview of the data, and (ii) to provide an account for the observed data.
The grammaticality of a headless relative is determined by two aspects. The first aspect concerns which case wins the case competition. In all languages with case competition that I am aware of, this is determined by the case scale in NOM < ACC < DAT. A case more to the right on the scale wins over a case more to the left on the scale. This scale is not specific to case competition in headless relatives, but it can also be observed in syncretism patterns and morphological case containment. I show that that the case scale can be derived from assuming the cumulative case decomposition (cf. Caha 2009). A case wins over another case when it contains all features that the other case contains.
The second aspect of case competition in headless relatives concerns whether the winner of the case competition is allowed to surface when it wins the case competition. The winning case can be either the internal case required by the predicate in the relative clause, or the external case required by the predicate in the main clause. It differs from language to language whether they allow the internal and the external case to surface.
All language types I discuss allow for a headless relative when the internal and the external case match. The unrestricted type of language allows both the internal case and the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. Examples of this language type are Old High German, Gothic and Ancient Greek. The internal-only type of language allows only the internal case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the external case to do so. An example of this language type is Modern German. The external-only type of language allows only the external case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the internal case to do so. To my knowledge, there is no language that behaves like this. The matching type of language allows neither the internal nor the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. An example of this language type is Polish.
To account for the data, I set up a proposal that generates the attested patterns and excludes the non-attested ones. I let the variation between languages follow from properties of languages that can be independently observed. By investigating the morphology of the languages, I suggest differences between the lexical entries in the different languages. These different lexical entries ultimately lead languages to be of different types. In my proposal, I assume that headless relatives are derived from light-headed relatives. Light-headed relatives contain a light head and a relative pronoun. In a headless relative either the light head or the relative pronoun is deleted. The necessary requirement for deletion is that the deleted element (either the light head or relative pronoun) is structurally or formally contained in the other element.
I motivate the analysis for the internal-only type of language for Modern German, for the matching type of language for Polish and for the unrestricted type of language for Old High German. I first identify the morphemes that the light heads and relative pronouns in the languages consist of, and then I show to which features each of the morphemes correspond. The crucial difference between the internal-only type of language Modern German and the matching type of language Polish is how the phi and case features are spelled out. In Modern German they are spelled out by a phi and case feature portmanteau, and, in Polish, the same features are spelled out by a phi feature morpheme and a case feature morpheme. Old High German differs from the other two languages in that it has light heads and relative pronouns that are syncretic. I show how these differences in the morphology of the languages ultimately leads to different grammaticality patterns in headless relatives.
Comparing my account to others shows that all proposals account for the case facts using some kind of case hierarchy. The proposals differ in how they model the variation, both in the technical details of the proposal, but more importantly, also in empirical scope and predictions they make.
This introductory paper provides an overview of the main phenomena investigated in this Special Issue, such as the relation between the encoding of indefinites and the presence of genitive and definite markers, the relation between partitivity and indefiniteness and the distribution of these phenomena in minority, or “micro”, varieties – such as Italian dialects, Galloromance varieties, North and South Saami – compared to the distribution of the same phenomena in majority, or “macro”, varieties – such as French, Italian, Spanish, Brazilian Portuguese, Estonian, Finnish, Czech and Serbian. The second part of the paper, then, provides an overview of the content of each original paper collected in the special issue.