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Institute
In narratology, a widely recognized method involves exploring the connection between implied authors and implied readers. It entails correlating abstract narrative components within a text to understand the conveyed message and the multitude of interpretations it can offer. The present study adopts an implied reader-oriented approach to analyze three selected novels from the twentieth and twenty-first centuries—one Nigerian, one Caribbean, and one Kurdish. The aim is to explore the potential readings within these texts, considering the hermeneutic process of critical reading. The selected texts include Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, (1958), Same Selvon’s The Lonely Londoners, (1956), and Karwan Kakesur’s The Channels of the Armed Monkeys, (2011). This approach closely examines the communication between the author and reader of the text, with a special focus on the varying levels of communication between the components of the narration, including fictional and implied fictional communication.
The implied fictional communication occurs between a narrative agent known as ‘the implied author’ and its fictional counterpart ‘the implied reader’ rather than between the real, flesh and blood authors and readers. I argue that this level of communication is coded, and the act of decoding it is part of the reading process performed by the reader. Certain texts can propose different and sometimes opposing readings which are initially and purposefully designed by the implied author and addressed to different implied readers. These readings are not necessarily the results of different real readers but rather incorporated ones predetermined by the implied author only to be acknowledged and uncovered by the readers. In other words, the latent meaning is and always was an integral part of the text and is not something created by the imaginative reader or critic. The core interest of my thesis lies in identifying prompts and suggestions within the narrative of the selected texts and ultimately understanding the readerships prestructured in them. Identifying the different readers within those texts will provide new reinterpretations that can add undetected values to the reading process and sometimes suggests opposing readings to how those texts have so far been read. Additionally, it is the objective of this thesis to propose new ways that readers can interact with reading literature that would result in a more aesthetic and entertaining reading experience besides providing ways to be more informed and aware of the cues certain narrative texts contain.
There have been numerous critical studies on both narratology and postcolonial or minority literatures; however, there has been little scholarly work that attempts to utilize narratology as a theoretical foundation for understanding postcolonial and minority fiction.
This study examines fictional texts from Nigerian, Caribbean, and Kurdish literature, employing the narratological concept known as ‘Multiple Implied Readers’. By incorporating concepts from Brian Richardson’s ‘Singular Text, Multiple Implied Readers’, and Peter J. Rabinowitz’s ‘authorial audiences’, I explore the various readerships that the texts could encompass. This exploitation may lead to the discovery of new readings, interpretations, and meanings that would otherwise remain undetected. These structures introduce provocative indeterminacies that challenge the reader’s synthesis of information into coherent configurations of meaning. Consequently, this approach not only enhances the reading experience but also opens doors to new interpretations of the text. In some cases, these interpretations could even dismantle prior understandings and propose entirely new readings.
The concepts of the implied author and implied reader have been studied before in relation to various disciplines of narratology. However, by applying them in conjunction with the relatively less researched subject of multiple implied readers, I aim to shed light on important aspects of these readings. This exploration could prove beneficial for literature students as well as critical readers of literary texts, revealing the potential of these texts to accommodate more than one implied reader within their narratives.
This dissertation is about case competition in headless relatives. Case competition is a situation in which two cases are assigned but only one of them surfaces. One of the constructions in which case competition takes place is in headless relatives, i.e. relative clauses that lack a head. This dissertation has two goals: (i) to give an overview of the data, and (ii) to provide an account for the observed data.
The grammaticality of a headless relative is determined by two aspects. The first aspect concerns which case wins the case competition. In all languages with case competition that I am aware of, this is determined by the case scale in NOM < ACC < DAT. A case more to the right on the scale wins over a case more to the left on the scale. This scale is not specific to case competition in headless relatives, but it can also be observed in syncretism patterns and morphological case containment. I show that that the case scale can be derived from assuming the cumulative case decomposition (cf. Caha 2009). A case wins over another case when it contains all features that the other case contains.
The second aspect of case competition in headless relatives concerns whether the winner of the case competition is allowed to surface when it wins the case competition. The winning case can be either the internal case required by the predicate in the relative clause, or the external case required by the predicate in the main clause. It differs from language to language whether they allow the internal and the external case to surface.
All language types I discuss allow for a headless relative when the internal and the external case match. The unrestricted type of language allows both the internal case and the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. Examples of this language type are Old High German, Gothic and Ancient Greek. The internal-only type of language allows only the internal case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the external case to do so. An example of this language type is Modern German. The external-only type of language allows only the external case to surface when it wins the case competition, and it does not allow the internal case to do so. To my knowledge, there is no language that behaves like this. The matching type of language allows neither the internal nor the external case to surface when either of them wins the case competition. An example of this language type is Polish.
To account for the data, I set up a proposal that generates the attested patterns and excludes the non-attested ones. I let the variation between languages follow from properties of languages that can be independently observed. By investigating the morphology of the languages, I suggest differences between the lexical entries in the different languages. These different lexical entries ultimately lead languages to be of different types. In my proposal, I assume that headless relatives are derived from light-headed relatives. Light-headed relatives contain a light head and a relative pronoun. In a headless relative either the light head or the relative pronoun is deleted. The necessary requirement for deletion is that the deleted element (either the light head or relative pronoun) is structurally or formally contained in the other element.
I motivate the analysis for the internal-only type of language for Modern German, for the matching type of language for Polish and for the unrestricted type of language for Old High German. I first identify the morphemes that the light heads and relative pronouns in the languages consist of, and then I show to which features each of the morphemes correspond. The crucial difference between the internal-only type of language Modern German and the matching type of language Polish is how the phi and case features are spelled out. In Modern German they are spelled out by a phi and case feature portmanteau, and, in Polish, the same features are spelled out by a phi feature morpheme and a case feature morpheme. Old High German differs from the other two languages in that it has light heads and relative pronouns that are syncretic. I show how these differences in the morphology of the languages ultimately leads to different grammaticality patterns in headless relatives.
Comparing my account to others shows that all proposals account for the case facts using some kind of case hierarchy. The proposals differ in how they model the variation, both in the technical details of the proposal, but more importantly, also in empirical scope and predictions they make.
This thesis investigates the structure of research articles in the field of Computational Linguistics with the goal of establishing that a set of distinctive linguistic features is associated with each section type. The empirical results of the study are derived from the quantitative and qualitative evaluation of research articles from the ACL Anthology Corpus. More than 20,000 articles were analyzed for the purpose of retrieving the target section types and extracting the predefined set of linguistic features from them. Approximately 1,100 articles were found to contain all of the following five section types: abstract, introduction, related work, discussion, and conclusion. These were chosen for the purpose of comparing the frequency of occurrence of the linguistic features across the section types. Making use of frameworks for Natural Language Processing, the Stanford CoreNLP Module, and the Python library SpaCy, as well as scripts created by the author, the frequency scores of the features were retrieved and analyzed with state-of-the-art statistical techniques.
The results show that each section type possesses an individual profile of linguistic features which are associated with it more or less strongly. These section-feature associations are shown to be derivable from the hypothesized purpose of each section type.
Overall, the findings reported in this thesis provide insights into the writing strategies that authors employ so that the overall goal of the research paper is achieved.
The results of the thesis can find implementation in new state-of-the-art applications that assist academic writing and its evaluation in a way that provides the user with a more sophisticated, empirically based feedback on the relationship between linguistic mechanisms and text type. In addition, the potential of the identification of text-type specific linguistic characteristics (a text-feature mapping) can contribute to the development of more robust language-based models for disinformation detection.
This dissertation deals with the lexical, morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of (VP )idioms and their behavior in combination with restrictive relative clauses, raising, constituent fronting, wh-movement, VP-ellipsis, pronominalization, the progressive form, verb placement, passivization, conjunction modification, and the N-after-N construction. It provides empirical evidence towards a combinatorial analysis of both semantically non-decomposable idioms (SNDIs) and semantically decomposable idioms (SDIs) and contributes to the (formal) formulation of such an account.
The Introduction (Chapter 1) first motivates why idioms are an exciting and challenging phenomenon and then gives a definition of the term idiom, a classification of idioms, and an overview of the wide spectrum of idiom analyses found in the linguistic literature.
Chapter 2, “Idioms as evidence for the proper analysis of relative clauses”, shows that the Modification Analysis beats the other two major analyses of restrictive relative clauses (RRCs), namely Raising and Matching, as (i) the latter two lead to a loss of numerous empirical generalizations in syntax and morphology, and (ii) contrary to the assumption in the literature, idioms in RRCs can, in fact, be licensed without literal syntactic movement of the RRC-head, which makes modification fully compatible with idiom reconstruction effects.
Chapter 3, “How frozen are frozen idioms?”, presents new empirical observations on the lexical, morphological, and syntactic flexibility of kick the bucket and displays that this idiom is not completely frozen with respect to its NP complement, the progressive form, and, in some contexts, even passivization. The chapter concludes that analyses of kick the bucket as a single lexical entry should be replaced by analyses of this and other SNDIs with a syntactically regular shape as consisting of individual word-level lexical entries that combine according to the standard rules of syntax.
This idea is taken up in Chapter 4, “The syntactic flexibility of semantically non-decomposable idioms”, which – based on the differences between English and German with regard to verb placement, constituent fronting, and passivization as well as a short outlook on Estonian and French – spells out a combinatorial analysis of SNDIs and augments it with a semantic analysis formulated in Lexical Resource Semantics, according to which some idiom parts make identical semantic contributions to the overall meaning of the idiom. The analysis further suggests that the syntactic flexibility of idioms is due to the semantic and pragmatic constraints on the involved constructions, rather than the syntactic encoding of the idioms.
Chapter 5, “Modification of literal meanings in semantically non-decomposable idioms”, reviews Ernst’s (1981) classical three types of idiom modification (internal, external, and conjunction) to then closely investigate the most challenging type, namely conjunction modification, in SNDIs. Based on naturally occurring examples of four SNDIs (two English, two German), it sketches an analysis in terms of two or more conjoined independent propositions, each of which can be the result of figurative reinterpretation. One of the propositions contains the idiomatic meaning, in (one of) the other(s), the meaning of the modifier applies to the literal meaning of the idiom’s noun.
Chapter 6, “Semantically decomposable idioms in the N-after-N construction”, offers a formal syntactic and semantic account of SDIs like pull strings in the N-after-N construction, as in Kim pulled string after string to get Alex into a good college. While the idiom contributes the type of entity at stake (‘string’ in the case of pull strings), N-after-N contributes that there are several instantiations of that type of entity and that these are subject to temporal or spatial succession. The chapter first summarizes the empirical properties of N-after-N, then provides an account of N-after-N in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), presents an updated version of the account of SDIs suggested in Chapter 2 within HPSG, and combines it with the HPSG account of N-after-N.
Syntactic and semantic aspects of supplementary relative clauses in English and Sōrānī Kurdish
(2020)
In this thesis, I examine and analyse supplementary relative clauses(SRCs), also known as non-restrictive relative clauses. SRCs have received considerably less attention in the study of relative clauses than integrated, or restrictive, relative clauses (IRCs). The (surface) syntactic structure of the two types of relative clauses (RCs) is largely identical. Therefore, it is not straightforward to determine where to locate the difference in the interpretation between IRCs and SRCs.To address this question, I focus on two types of English SRCs: determiner-which RCs, and SRCs introduced by that. Determiner-which RCs can only be interpreted as SRCs. Previous HPSG approaches built on the generalisation that that RCs cannot be SRCs. Hence there is no HPSG analysis for relative that in SRCs. In this thesis I show the acceptability of the two constructions by the American native speakers and provide both structures with an HPSG analysis.I extend my discussion beyond English by looking at relative clauses in Sorānī Kurdish. I argue that RCs in Sorānī Kurdish share essential properties withEnglish bare RCs and that RCs, though Sorānī Kurdish has no equivalent of wh-RCs. I also provide Sorānī Kurdish with an HPSG analysis.
The individual parameter
(2018)
The present thesis tackles the unification of two-dimensional semantic systems, which are designed to deal with context-dependency of a certain kind i.e. indexicality, with dynamic theories of meaning, designed to capture facts about anaphoricity and the distribution of definite and indefinite articles. The need for a more principled look at this unification is twofold. Firstly, there is an overlap of these two families of theories in terms of empirical data, namely third person personal pronouns, as well as definite descriptions. Both kinds of expressions have anaphoric as well as non-anaphoric usages, whereas some of the latter ones can be captured in terms of indexicality. But, on the other hand, no language, especially not German and English, the main sources of data in this thesis, seems to distinguish these two usages formally, i.e. by employing different expressions. Hence the need for a unified framework in which this sort of ambiguity can be treated. Secondly, the theoretical state is dissatisfactory in the sense that the families of theories take very disparate forms that are not easy to relate conceptually.
The overlap in empirical area of application strongly suggests that this dichotomy is an artifact of the way these theories traditionally are developed and justified. This thesis seeks to overcome this state of the field. It proceeds as follows.
The first chapter discusses the way in which theories indexicality are designed. After taking a closer look some hallmarks of these theories such as the notions of index- and context-dependency themselves, double indexing, etc., it develops a notion of index dependency that makes use of a more complex individual parameter than the one that is usually assumed in the literature. Apart from agents and addressees, the two standard components of indices that represent contexts, additional objects are assumed. This leads to a variant of the semantics of deictically used third person expression that is called ‘indexical theory of demonstratives’, which is then investigated further.
The second chapter discusses the classics of dynamic semantics: DRT, DPL, and FCS. It arrives at the common core of all of these theories that consists in the assumption of a novel sort of variable namely active variables as opposed to free and bound ones that are intended to model the behavior of (in)definite descriptions and pronouns. The projection behavior of these variables or discourse referents is described either in (discourse-)syntactic or semantic terms. The chapter also arrives at a new formulation of the uniqueness condition that is thought to be part of the semantics of definite descriptions and sketches an account of transparent negation.
The third chapter then combines the insights of the previous ones by developing the notion of representation that connects the entities of evaluation of the first chapter i.e. indices with those of the second namely sets of assignments, a.k.a. files. The formal language that emerged in the second chapter is endowed with two kinds of variables for situations to allow for double indexing within a dynamic setting. A novel interpretation mechanism for the so designed language is proposed, which is shown to capture not only those aspects that are known to exist in two-dimensional frameworks, but also certain other index-index interactions that are described in yet another body of literature.
The final chapter discusses potential flaws of the theory and sketches an account of allegedly bound indexicals that is compatible with Kaplan’s infamous ban on monsters.
This thesis primarily investigates an (hitherto unnoticed) agreement alternation between Romance and Germanic in D>N>&>N constructions (e.g. “these walls and ceiling”). While Romance exhibits left conjunct agreement, Germanic shows morphologically resolved agreement on the determiner, i.e. the phi-feature mismatching conjuncts can only be licensed if a syncretic form is available. To handle these data the author suggests a theory in which coordination is syntactically and morphologically unspecified and multiple agree is a general option. Infelicitous derivations are ruled out by interface conditions on the semantic and the phonological well formedness. The complete results of the corpus research conducted to deliver a sound empirical basis for the phenomena investigated in this thesis can be found in the appendix.
This thesis investigates the acquisition of compositional and lexical semantic properties of adjectives in German-speaking children between the age of two and five years.
According to formal semantic approaches, there are intersective and non-intersective adjectives, subsective and non-subsective adjectives as well as gradable and non-gradable adjectives. These properties concern the compositional mechanisms involved in nominal modification, i.e., the combination of adjectives and nouns. In addition, adjectives differ regarding lexical semantic properties that contribute to the adjectives' meaning. Differences in the adjectives' scale structure have led to the theoretical assumption that gradable adjectives should be distinguished into relative and absolute gradable adjectives. In addition, meaning components such as multidimensionality or subjectivity have led to the distinction between dimensional and evaluative gradable adjectives. These properties have been mostly investigated independently of each other in both theory and acquisition research. I suggest a classification system for adjectives that combines different semantic properties. This system results in six adjective classes constituting a Semantic Complexity Hierarchy. Assuming that these adjective classes differ in semantic complexity, I propose an operationalization of semantic complexity that takes into account the adjectives' length of description, their type complexity, and lexical properties that contribute to the adjectives' meaning.
Regarding the question of how monolingual German-speaking children acquire the semantics of adjectives, I hypothesize that the order of acquisition of adjectives is determined by their semantic complexity. This hypothesis is tested in a spontaneous speech study and a comprehension experiment.
The spontaneous speech study is a longitudinal investigation of the production of adjectives from 2;00 to 2;11 years based on transcripts from a dense data corpus. The results provide evidence that the mean age of acquisition for the adjective classes in the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy follows the order predicted by semantic complexity. The same order was observed for the age at which the number of types for each class increased most. A preliminary analysis of the input indicates that the frequency of parental adjective use is related to the order of acquisition, but it is unlikely that frequency determines the order completely.
The comprehension experiment focuses on two specific adjective classes. I examine children's and adults' interpretation of relative (big, small) and absolute (clean, dirty) gradable dimensional adjectives with a picture-choice task. These two classes are of the same semantic complexity because they are both gradable, but they have different scale structures. As a result, they must be interpreted differently due to lexical semantic properties. I investigate whether children calculate different standards of comparison for relative and absolute gradable adjectives and whether they distinguish between relative and absolute gradable adjectives regarding the relevance of the explicit comparison class. The results indicate that as of age 3, children distinguish between relative and absolute gradable adjectives with regard to the standard of comparison. However, with respect to the relevance of the comparison class, for 3-year-old children, unlike for 4- and 5-year-olds, changes in the noun, i.e., in the explicit comparison class, led to non-adult-like responses regarding both relative and absolute gradable adjectives.
On the basis of the empirical findings, I propose an acquisition path stating that children enter the acquisition process with inherent linguistic knowledge, the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy, and cognitive abilities to categorize their environment. I suggest that initially, children apply the least complex interpretation available in the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy to all adjectives: all adjectives are interpreted as properties of individuals that are not gradable. To access other levels of the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy and to establish more complex adjective classes, positive evidence from the input and conceptual properties of adjectives, e.g., COLOR, MENTAL STATE, PHYSICAL PROPERTY etc., can operate as triggers.
This dissertation is an investigation of pitch accent, or lexical tone, in standard Croatian. The first chapter presents an in-depth overview of the history of the Croatian language, its relationship to Serbo-Croatian, its dialect groups and pronunciation variants, and general phonology. The second chapter explains the difference between various types of prosodic prominence and describes systems of pitch accent in various languages from different parts of the world: Yucatec Maya, Lithuanian and Limburgian. Following is a detailed account of the history of tone in Serbo-Croatian and Croatian, the specifics of its tonal system, intonational phonology and finally, a review of the most prominent phonetic investigations of tone in that language.
The focal point of this dissertation is a production experiment, in which ten native speakers of Croatian from the region of Slavonia were recorded. The material recorded included a diverse selection of monosyllabic, bisyllabic, trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic words, containing all four accents of standard Croatian: short falling, long falling, short rising and long rising. Each target word was spoken in initial, medial and final positions of natural Croatian sentences. This research fills several gaps in the existing literature. Namely, the production of tone was investigated in words with a syllabic /r̩/, in pretonal syllables and in non-initial context. Acoustic parameters measured included duration, F0 in every 10% of the nucleus duration, overall pitch, pitch range and pitch peak alignment.
Results showed that differences between falling and rising accents in Croatian are produced mainly with tonal parameters and that the most salient features were pitch peak alignment and overall pitch. The difference between long and short accents was primarily durational and optionally tonal. Words produced in initial and medial sentence positions had a rising contour in their accented syllable, while in the final, segments were usually falling.
This research investigated variation in the pronunciations of three RP vowels phonemes /e/, /ɜ:/ and /ə/, among Ewe speakers of English in Ghana. It focused on variation at both individual and societal levels, investigating how social relations within these structures influenced the use of the three vowels among the speakers. In this study, social structures were seen as a system where individual members depended on one another and were linked through multiple ties. The distribution of the vowels was in respect with the social variables: age, gender and education, including dialect and social network. The study used a corpus of word-list recorded in a face-to-face interview from 96 participants selected through stratification and networking across two dialect regions: Aŋlɔ and Eveme. Using both aural and acoustic analyses, coupled with ANOVA and t-test, the study has shown that the three RP vowels exist in Ghana Eve English as independent phonemes. Each of them however has allophonic variants; /e/ has variants [e̠], [ɪ] and [ɜ:]; /ɜ:/ has [eː] and [ɜ:], while /ə/ has [ə], [ɪ], [o] and [ʌ] as its variants. The choice of the variants of /ɜ:/ and /e/ have been found to depend on speaker age, gender, and social network. But the geographical location of the speaker will largely determine how these vowels are spoken. Phonological contexts as well as speaker idiosyncrasy are also likely to condition the choice of some of these variants, however, their effects seem less important as determinant of the differences observed than those of the social factors. It is evident that age, gender and class differentiations that have been widely reported cannot be universal, they can vary from one society to another. Also though social structures as well as social relations in a speech community can play significant roles in the individual’s linguistic repertoire, the attitude of the speaker and the phonological contexts of a segment can have a huge impact on the use of that variable.