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Rezension zu Marta Medved Krajnović: Od jednojezičnosti do višejezičnosti. Uvod u istraživanja procesa ovladavanja inim jezikom. Zagreb: Leykam international, 2010, 193 S.
Jede der linguistischen Teildisziplinen bemüht sich, im Rahmen ihrer Forschung zu bestmöglichen Ergebnissen zu kommen. Dies zeigt sich sowohl im theoretischen Bereich, in dem bis dahin ungelöste Fragen beantwortet werden, als auch in der Praxis, die auf der Theorie beruht. Das Ziel bestmöglicher Ergebnisse verfolgen auch die sprachwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen Lexikographie und Wörterbuchforschung, deren Weiterentwicklung von der breiten Öffentlichkeit besonders positiv bewertet wird.
Die vorliegende Studie von Christine Konecny ist ein umfassendes Sammelwerk, das die internationalen Tendenzen in der Betrachtung von Kollokationen ausführlich erfasst. Der Titel und der Untertitel weisen eindeutig auf die theoretische und analytische Ausrichtung der Arbeit hin. Im ersten Teil werden die Kollokationen linguistisch betrachtet, es werden Auffassungs-, Definitions- und Abgrenzungsprobleme von Kollokationen detailliert geschildert. Eine Schlüsselkomponente im Titel ist jedoch nicht nur das Wort Kollokationen, das das Thema der Studie benennt. Aussagekräftiger ist der Untertitel, konkret sind es die Wörter Versuch und Annäherung. Die Studie ist der Versuch, einerseits die Position der Kollokationen sowohl in der Systemlinguistik als auch auf der Supraebene zu beschreiben, andererseits die Kollokationen nach unterschiedlichen sprachwissenschaftlichen Gesichtspunkten – vor allem unter phraseologischen, korpuslinguistischen, systemlinguistischen, pragmalinguistischen Aspekten - sowie aus der Sicht der kognitiven Psycholinguistik, Fremdsprachendidaktik, Wortbildungslehre, Lexikographie, kontrastiven und konfrontativen Linguistik und Translatologie zu bestimmen. Ein weiterer Versuch betrifft die Abgrenzung und Klassifikation der Kollokationen. Die Autorin hat sich u. a. zum Ziel gesetzt, Kollokationen von festen, teil- und nicht idiomatischen Wortverbindungen zu unterscheiden und sie anhand unterschiedlicher Klassifizierungskriterien hauptsächlich nach syntaktisch-morphologischen und semantisch-begrifflichen Unterscheidungsmerkmalen zu kategorisieren.
Decomposing coordination
(2014)
Natural languages display a surprising diversity of expression of elementary logical operations. The study of this variation is emerging as an important topic of cross-linguistic semantics. In this paper, we address the expression of coordination from this perspective, especially coordination of individual denoting expressions such as "John and Mary". We argue that there is an underlying universal structure for individual coordination, and that the cross-linguistic variation can be explained by assuming that languages pronounce different morphemes of this universal structure. In particular, we argue that there two main types of system for the expression of individual coordination: the J-type and the μ-type. In μ-type languages the morpheme used for individual coordination also has uses a quantificational or focus particle, while in the J-type languages it doesn't. Instead at least in many J-type languages the same morpheme is used for individual and propositional coordination. The evidence we present for our model comes from two sources: new data from specific data of the J-type and μ-type languages, and from a study of the historical development of the expression of individual coordination in Indo-European which switched from a μ-type to a J-type system.
The claim of this paper is that embedded definites can, despite the appearances, be accounted for on the uniqueness approach. Far from being a surprise, we argue that the behavior of embedded definites is actually expected once two independent facts are taken into account: the ability of noun phrases to take scope, i.e., to be interpreted in a different place from their syntactic position, and the interaction of presuppositions and scope-taking elements. Specifically, we analyze embedded definites as a case of inverse linking (Gabbay and Moravscik, 1974; May, 1977): the embedded definite takes scope over the embedding one. The presupposition of the embedded definite is weakened as a result of the independently motivated process of intermediate accommodation (Kratzer, 1989; Berman, 1991). In our case, this process transfers the presupposition of the embedding definite into the restrictor of the embedded one.
Like other scope-taking processes, inverse linking is generally taken to be subject to locality constraints: if a syntactic island, such as a finite clause boundary, intervenes in the path of a scope-taking element, then the resulting reading is unavailable or degraded (Rodman, 1976). Since our account views embedded definites as cases of inverse linking, we predict that inserting an island into an embedded definite, all else being equal, should lead to a similar degradation. We report results from an online survey with 800 participants that confirm this prediction.
The late physicist Carl Sagan, whom I quote in the first part of my title, skillfully phrased the common sense view on evidence in the mature sciences. In linguistics, however, evidence has become a controversial issue, especially so when it comes to the investigation of less well studied languages. In this paper, I argue that Sagan's principle should be applied to linguistics. The growing accessibility of a wide array of experimental techniques and computational tools to analyze such data makes it feasible to back up extraordinary claims with evidence from a variety of sources. At the same time, it is in many cases possible to agree on what constitutes an ordinary claim and focus the extra effort on extraordinary claims. For non-controversial claims no more than the minimum effort to establish the claim and properly document the evidence is necessary.
Irene Heim in unpublished work proposed a new syntax-semantics interface for propositional attitude reports based on an ontology without transworld individuals, but counterpart functions instead. We show that the approach can capture the 'de re'/'de dicto' distinction, but makes different predictions from accounts with transworld individuals. Specifically, the account uses a non-invertible counterpart functions: a single individual in an alternative world can be the counterpart of many individuals of the real world. The directionality of counterpart functions predicts that a 'de dicto' interpreted DP cannot be an argument of a 'de re' interpreted predicate. We show that the predicted restriction is corroborated by existing work on restrictions on 'de re' interpretation. The derivation of constraints on 'de re' interpretation argues empirically for the counterpart ontology and Heim’s implementation thereof.
In at least three environments—de se binding, distributive binding, and focus quantification—some presuppositions exhibit unexpectedly weak projection behavior. This holds for the presuppositions of bound pronouns, but also several other cases of presupposition. In this paper, I first describe a general approach to capture the interaction of presuppositions with quantificational operators within a multi-tiered evaluation procedure. Secondly I discuss data from Condition A, in particular non-bound occurrences of reflexives, that motivate a presuppositional account of Condition A and confirm the general approach.
The Strongest Meaning Hypothesis (SMH henceforth), a pragmatic principle motivated in Dalrymple et al.'s (1998) study of reciprocals, has recently been applied to problems in implicatures (Chierchia et al. to appear) and Vagueness (Cobreros et al. 2011). In this snippet, I argue that the SMH can apply to embedded sentences, which is perhaps unusual for a pragmatic principle.
In this paper, I revisit the arguments against the use of fuzzy logic in linguistics (or more generally, against a truth-functional account of vagueness). In part, this is an exercise to explain to fuzzy logicians why linguists have shown little interest in their research paradigm. But, the paper contains more than this interdisciplinary service effort that I started out on: In fact, this seems an opportune time for revisiting the arguments against fuzzy logic in linguistics since three recent developments affect the argument. First, the formal apparatus of fuzzy logic has been made more general since the 1970s, specifically by Hajek [6], and this may make it possible to define operators in a way to make fuzzy logic more suitable for linguistic purposes. Secondly, recent research in philosophy has examined variations of fuzzy logic ([18, 19]). Since the goals of linguistic semantics seem sometimes closer to those of some branches of philosophy of language than they are to the goals of mathematical logic, fuzzy logic work in philosophy may mark the right time to reexamine fuzzy logic from a linguistic perspective as well. Finally, the reasoning used to exclude fuzzy logic in linguistics has been tied to the intuition that p and not p is a contradiction. However, this intuition seems dubious especially when p contains a vague predicate. For instance, one can easily think of circumstances where 'What I did was smart and not smart.' or 'Bea is both tall and not tall.' don’t sound like senseless contradictions. In fact, some recent experimental work that I describe below has shown that contradictions of classical logic aren’t always felt to be contradictory by speakers. So, it is important to see to what extent the argument against fuzzy logic depends on a specific stance on the semantics of contradictions. In sum then, there are three good reasons to take another look at fuzzy logic for linguistic purposes.