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Diese Arbeit untersucht die Perzeption der Vokale /a/, /ɐ/ und /ɐ̃/ durch deutsche erwachsene Portugiesischlerner. Ziel war herauszufinden, ob deutsche L1-Sprecher in der Lage sind, die genannten Laute zu unterscheiden, unter anderem in Abhängigkeit von ihrem Fremdsprachenniveau im EP.
Die Teilnehmer der Studie waren 27 deutsche Muttersprachler, die EP im Erwachsenenalter und zumeist an der Universität erlernen oder erlernt haben. Die Kontrollgruppe bildeten 33 portugiesische Muttersprachler. Beide Gruppen nahmen an einem Online-Perzeptionstest teil, dessen Aufbau sich an der Studie von Darcy und Krüger (2012) orientiert. Während des Tests mussten die Probanden aus einer Lautsequenz von drei einsilbigen Kunstwörtern mit der Silbenstruktur CVC dasjenige Kunstwort identifizieren, das einen anderen Vokal beinhaltete als die anderen zwei. Neben dem Perzeptionstest nahmen alle Teilnehmer an einem Einstufungstest für das EP teil, der aus einem C-Test und einem Vokabeltest bestand.
This thesis investigates the acquisition pace and the typical developmental path in eL2 acquisition of selected phenomena of German morphosyntax and semantics and compared them to monolingual acquisition. In addition, the influence of ‘Age of Onset’ and of external factors on eL2 acquisition is examined.
To date, the most studies on eL2 acquisition focused on language production. Based on mostly longitudinal spontaneous speech data of only small number of children, they indicate that eL2 learners acquire sentence structure and subject-verb-agreement faster than monolingual children, whereas the acquisition of case marking causes them more difficulties. Moreover, similar developmental paths to those of monolingual children are claimed. Only several studies examined comprehension abilities in eL2 learners, however overwhelmingly in cross-sectional design. The findings from comprehension studies on telic and atelic verbs, and on wh-questions indicate that eL2 children acquire their target-like interpretation faster than monolingual children. The same acquisition stages towards target-like interpretation like in monolingual acquisition are assumed as well. Taking together, to date, no study exists, that examines comprehension and production abilities in a large group of eL2 learners of German in a longitudinal design.
This thesis extends the previous results by investigating pace of acquisition, impact of factors, and individual developmental paths in a longitudinal design with large groups of participants. Language data of 29 eL2 learners of German (age at T1: 3;7 years, LoE: 10 months) and 45 monolingual German-speaking children (age at T1: 3;7) are examined. The eL2 learners were tested in six test rounds (age at T6: 6;9 years). The monolingual children were tested in five test rounds (are at T5: 5;7). The standardized test LiSe-DaZ (Schulz & Tracy, 2011) was employed to examine children’s language skills.
eL2 learners show a significantly greater rate of change, thus faster acquisition pace, than monolingual children in the following scales: comprehension of telicity, comprehension of wh-questions, production of prepositions, and production of conjunctions. These phenomena are acquired early in monolingual children. No differences regarding acquisition pace between eL2 children and monolingual children are found for comprehension of negation, production of case marking, and production of focus particles. These phenomena are acquired late in monolingual development and involve semantic and pragmatic knowledge. The findings of faster acquisition pace of several phenomena are in line with several studies that reported that eL2 children develop faster than monolingual children.
Independent on whether a phenomenon is acquired early or late, no effects of external factors on eL2 children’s performance are found. These findings indicate that acquisition of core, rule-based phenomena is not sensitive to external factors if the first exposure to L2 takes place around the age of three.
Moreover, eL2 children show the same developmental stages and error types in comprehension of telicity, comprehension of negation, production of matrix and subordinate clauses. This is also independent on how fast they acquire a structure under consideration. Thus, these findings provide a further support for similar developmental paths of eL2 and monolingual children towards target-like comprehension and production.
Anankastic relatives
(2016)
This dissertation investigates a semantic puzzle in German concerning certain sentences with an intensional transitive verb and a modalized relative clause modifying its indefinite object. In their unspecific reading, the modal inside the relative clause seems to lack a semantic contribution and the construal of the relative clause appears spuriously ambiguous between a restrictive and an appositive reading. However, as a thorough discussion of a wide range of data reveals, the embedded modal is actually anaphoric to the matrix attitude and does contribute to the sentence meaning. But then, precisely due to its anaphoricity, this semantic contribution is restricted and in some cases very subtle; in particular, the semantic phenomenon under scrutiny cannot be analyzed as an instance of modal concord. Rather, previous observations on related data involving epistmic anaphoric modals and anankastic conditionals turn out to indicate the direction for an adequate analysis of the relevant semantic observations. For the restrictive construal, a conservative account is developed containing a fine-grained Lewis-Kratzer-style modal semantics, but with a twist: the anaphoricity of the modal is taken care of by restricting the anaphoricity of the modal to the ordering source of the matrix verb; moreover, the embedded modal receives a historical modal base. In this way compositionality issues and problems of cross-identification are avoided. Finally, the non-restrictive construal is analyzed as an instance of modal subordination, exploiting the well-studied parallel between appositive relatives and discourse anaphora.
This paper investigates the interpretation of overt and null subject pronouns in the heritage language (European Portuguese, EP) of Portuguese heritage bilinguals (children and teenagers) in Germany and Andorra with German (Ger) and Spanish/Catalan (Span/Cat) as environmental languages and compares it to the outcomes of age-matched monolingual Portuguese children and monolingual adults. The results of an offline sentence interpretation task show that all groups of speakers differentiate between overt and null subjects. They are also sensitive to the syntactic context (intrasentential vs. intersentential) and the directionality of the anaphoric relation (anaphoric vs. cataphoric), although to different degrees. We argue that the interpretation of differences between monolingual and bilingual speakers needs to take into account these different syntactic contexts of pronominal resolution in order to gain a better understanding of the role of language-internal factors and cross-linguistic influence (CLI). With respect to the latter, the comparison between the Ger-EP and the Span/Cat-EP groups reveals no differences between these populations and shows that for the speakers’ knowledge of anaphora resolution in EP it is not decisive whether the contact language is a null subject language or not (confirming thus the results in Sorace et al. 2009).
Children’s interpretations of sentences containing focus particles do not seem adult-like until school age. This study investigates how German 4-year-old children comprehend sentences with the focus particle ‘nur’ (only) by using different tasks and controlling for the impact of general cognitive abilities on performance measures. Two sentence types with ‘only’ in either pre-subject or pre-object position were presented. Eye gaze data and verbal responses were collected via the visual world paradigm combined with a sentence-picture verification task. While the eye tracking data revealed an adult-like pattern of focus particle processing, the sentence-picture verification replicated previous findings of poor comprehension, especially for ‘only’ in pre-subject position. A second study focused on the impact of general cognitive abilities on the outcomes of the verification task. Working memory was related to children’s performance in both sentence types whereas inhibitory control was selectively related to the number of errors for sentences with ‘only’ in pre-subject position. These results suggest that children at the age of 4 years have the linguistic competence to correctly interpret sentences with focus particles, which–depending on specific task demands–may be masked by immature general cognitive abilities.
Pitch peaks tend to be higher at the beginning of longer than shorter sentences (e.g., ‘A farmer is pulling donkeys’ vs ‘A farmer is pulling a donkey and goat’), whereas pitch valleys at the ends of sentences are rather constant for a given speaker. These data seem to imply that speakers avoid dropping their voice pitch too low by planning the height of sentence-initial pitch peaks prior to speaking. However, the length effect on sentence-initial pitch peaks appears to vary across different types of sentences, speakers and languages. Therefore, the notion that speakers plan sentence intonation in advance due to the limitations in low voice pitch leaves part of the data unexplained. Consequently, this study suggests a complementary cognitive account of length-dependent pitch scaling. In particular, it proposes that the sentence-initial pitch raise in long sentences is related to high demands on mental resources during the early stages of sentence planning. To tap into the cognitive underpinnings of planning sentence intonation, this study adopts the methodology of recording eye movements during a picture description task, as the eye movements are the established approximation of the real-time planning processes. Measures of voice pitch (Fundamental Frequency) and incrementality (eye movements) are used to examine the relationship between (verbal) working memory (WM), incrementality of sentence planning and the height of sentence-initial pitch peaks.
Das Tip-of-the-Tongue-Phänomen (TOT) bildet neben Pausen und Versprechern eine weitere Störungsklasse der Sprachproduktion. Im TOT-Zustand kann auf semantische (Konzept) und syntaktische Informationen (Lemma) zugegriffen werden, aber nur begrenzt auf phonologische Informationen (Lexem). Die komplette Wortform bleibt verborgen. Um TOTs im Labor zu evozieren, wurden Definitionen auf einem Computerbildschirm präsentiert, z. B. „ständig umlaufender Aufzug ohne Tür“ für Paternoster. Die Probanden gaben über die Computertastatur an, ob sie das Wort kennen und benennen können (JA), das gesuchte Wort nicht kennen (NEIN) oder es ihnen auf der Zunge liegt (TOT). Im TOT-Zustand wurde ein Cue visuell präsentiert. Beim Cueing-Verfahren wurden bisher Silben-Cues in Wörter bzw. Pseudowörter eingebettet und diese innerhalb von Wortlisten dargeboten, um die Auflösung eines TOTs zu manipulieren. In den vorliegenden Studien wurden die Silben-Cues isoliert präsentiert. Der Vorteil besteht darin, dass eine Silbe per se keine semantischen (Wortbedeutung) und syntaktischen Informationen (Wortart) enthält. Die Präsentation isolierter korrekter, inkorrekter und erweiterter Silben ist neu in der TOT-Forschung. Außerdem bietet die vorliegende Arbeit die erste Studie sowohl im Cueing-Paradigma als auch im Bereich der Reaktionszeitmessung (RT) zu TOTs im Deutschen.
Im Pre-Test wurden die Definitionen vorgetestet. In den beiden Pilotstudien wurden das Design für die Reaktionszeitmessung evaluiert und weitere Definitionen gesammelt und überprüft. Im ersten Experiment zeigte sich, dass mit der korrekten Silbe (z. B. Pa für Paternoster) die TOTs etwa doppelt so schnell aufgelöst werden konnten als mit einer inkorrekten Silbe (z. B. Ko) und der Kontrollbedingung (xxx). Die korrekte Silbe führte außerdem zu signifikant mehr akkuraten Antworten im Vergleich zu den beiden anderen Bedingungen. Die inkorrekte Silbe hat die TOT-Auflösung zwar nicht blockiert (nicht mehr inakkurate Antworten), aber gehemmt: Die Anzahl an akkuraten Antworten wurde reduziert und die Anzahl an unaufgelösten TOTs erhöht. Im zweiten Experiment wurde demonstriert, dass die erweiterte Silbe (z. B. Pat für Paternoster) die TOT-Auflösung im Vergleich zur regulären Silbe sowohl signifikant beschleunigte (kürzere RTs) als auch signifikant verstärkte (mehr akkurate Antworten). Dies lässt sich mit dem segmentalen Überlappungseffekt erklären. Die Ergebnisse der vorliegenden Studien unterstützen Sprachproduktionsmodelle, die einen interaktiven Aktivierungsfluss haben und eine Silben-Ebene unterhalb der Phonem-Ebene annehmen.
Nach Jakobson (1941) lassen sich in der frühen phonologischen Entwicklung zwei diskrete Phasen unterscheiden. Eine erste Phase, in der vorsprachliche Lalllaute produziert werden und keine phonologischen Kontraste gegeben sind, und eine zweite Phase, die eigentliche Sprachstufe, in der eben diese sprachsystematischen Kontrastbildungen sukzessive ausgebaut werden. Ausgehend von diesem strukturalistischen Paradigma wurden Protowörter, die im Übergang von der Lallphase zur Zielwortproduktion realisiert werden und bei einer relativ stabilen Bedeutungszuweisung keine overte Ähnlichkeit zu Zielwörtern zeigen, entweder als artikulatorische Muster analysiert oder unter der Perspektive der Generativen Grammatik als nicht-phonologische Wortformen gänzlich ignoriert. Im Gegensatz zu diesen tradierten Ansätzen wird in dieser Arbeit ein neuer Ansatz vertreten, nach dem dreidimensionale (mit segmentaler, silbischer und metrischer Ebene) phonologische Repräsentationen ab ovo in der Sprachverarbeitung aktiv sind und sich gemäß der klassischen Kompetenz-Performanz-Unterscheidung in frühen Wortproduktionen auch linguistisch analysieren lassen. Das adäquate Instrumentarium für diese Analyse können gerade nicht zielsprachliche Merkmalskontraste mit bedeutungsunterscheidender Funktion sein, sondern genuin phonologische Kontraste. Zielführend ist hier die Anwendung der Demisilbentheorie von Clements (1990), mit deren Hilfe die phonologische Komplexität von Demisilben nach Maßgabe von Sonorität berechnet werden. Wurde diese Theorie bisher erfolgreich in der Aphasiologie angewendet, wird sie hier erstmals in der Untersuchung der Protowortproduktion, appliziert. Die Daten stammen aus der im Rahmen dieser Arbeit durchgeführten Einzelfallstudie, in der die Spontansprachproduktionen von Kind J., 1;4 Jahre, jeweils einmal wöchentlich für 30 Minuten aufgezeichnet wurden. Die Aufnahmen endeten zu dem Zeitpunkt, als Kind J. keine Protowörter mehr produzierte. Wesentliche Ergebnisse einer linguistisch-qualitativen wie auch einer statistisch-quantitativen Analyse dieser Daten waren, dass Proto- und Zielwortproduktion korrelierten, d.h., bei Abnahme der Protowortproduktion die Zielwortproduktion zunahm; beide Wortklassen tendenziell aus nicht-komplexen Demisilben aufgebaut waren und Protowörter in dem Sinne als Vorläufer von Zielwörtern angesehen werden können, als dass bei ihnen nicht die zielsprachliche Bedeutungszuweisung, sondern die Etablierung phonologischer Repräsentationen maßgeblich ist. Ausgehend von diesen Ergebnissen wird ein differenziertes Schalenmodell der frühen phonologischen Entwicklung vorgestellt, nach welchem der segmentale Merkmalsausbau und seine Integration in die Silbe mittels Sonorität noch vor der metrischen Betonungszuweisung stattfindet. Unter Hinzunahme der Parallelen Architektur von Jackendoff (2002) wird abschließend eine kognitiv-linguistische Definition von Protowörtern gegeben, die nicht zuletzt auch zu diagnostischen Zwecken in der sprachtherapeutischen Praxis gebraucht werden kann.
As language rhythm relies partly on general acoustic properties, such as intensity and duration, mastering two languages with distinct rhythmic properties (i.e., stress position) may enhance musical rhythm perception. We investigated whether second language (L2) competence affects musical rhythm aptitude in Turkish early (TELG) and late learners (TLLG) of German in comparison to German monolingual speakers (GMC). To account for inter-individual differences, we measured participants’ short-term and working memory capacity, melodic aptitude, and time they spent listening to music. Both L2 speaker groups perceived rhythmic variations significantly better than monolinguals. No differences were found between early and late learners’ performances. Our findings suggest that mastering two languages with different rhythmic properties enhances musical rhythm perception, providing further evidence of cognitive share between language and music.
In this paper, I investigate the suppletion patterns that are found in languages that make a clusivity distinction. I will show that in the triple 1SG-1EXCL-1INCL, ABA patterns do not arise, consonant with other work on suppletion patterns (Bobaljik 2012, Smith et al. 2016). That is, it is not possible for the exclusive pronoun to supplete on its own whilst the singular and inclusive share a common base. All other patterns are attested. I will argue that the lack of ABA patterns supports the view that the inclusive is the most marked category in this set (Noyer 1992, Siewierska 2004, Cysouw 2003, a.o.), and propose that there is a containment relation such that the feature set that makes up the inclusive properly contains the features that form the exclusive, following the reasoning laid out in Bobaljik (2012). I further consider the makeup of person features, and argue that the lack of ABA patterns in clusivity suggest that clusivity features are privative, rather than binary ('cf'. Harbour 2016).
Despite a large body of research, the linguistic nature of exhaustivity in single wh-questions is unresolved. Moreover, little empirical evidence exists as to which related structures pattern with bare wh-questions regarding exhaustivity. This paper explores the felicity of various exhaustivity violations in unembedded single bare wh-questions in German and compares them to related structures. In two novel felicity judgment experiments, a total of 441 participants rated exhaustive as well as non-exhaustive plural and non-exhaustive singleton answers to wh-questions or statements in a questionnaire. Answers were based on picture stimuli depicting individuals performing various actions. The felicity of non-exhaustive answers was compared across four main test conditions: bare wh-questions (wer ‘who’), wh-questions with a lexical exhaustivity marker (wer alles ‘who all’), plural definite descriptions contained in a restrictive relative clause (e.g., “the people who are fishing in the garden”), and the scalar quantifier “some” (e.g., “some people who are fishing in the garden”).
We employ a novel methodological approach to improve the interpretability of statistical differences between experimental conditions by using the statistical measure of Minimal Important Difference (MID). Our results from estimated MIDs reveal that adults’ felicity judgments of non-exhaustive plural answers to bare wh-questions pattern with those to wer alles-questions and to plural definite descriptions: exhaustivity violations in the bare wh, the wer alles and the plural definite conditions were rated as less felicitous than exhaustivity violations in the some-condition.
This dissertation provides an analysis of Finnish prosody, with a focus on the sentence or phrase level. The thesis analyses Finnish as a phrase language. Thus, it accounts for prosodic variation through prosodic phrasing and explains intonational differences in terms of phrase tones.
Finnish intonation has traditionally been described in terms of accents associated with stressed syllables, i.e. similarly as prototypical intonation languages like English or German. However, accents are usually described as uniform instead of forming an inventory of contrasting accent types. The present thesis confirms the uniformity of Finnish tonal contours and explains it as based on realisations of tones associated with prosodic phrases instead of accents. Two levels of phrasing are discussed: Prosodic phrases (p-phrases) and intonational phrases (i-phrases). Most prominently, the p-phrase is marked by a high tone associated with its beginning and a low tone associated with its end; realisations of these tones form the rise-fall contours traditionally analysed as accents. The i-phrase is associated with a final tone that is either low or high and additionally marked by voice quality and final lengthening. While the tonal specifications of these phrases are thus predominantly invariant, variation arises from different distributions of phrases.
This analysis is based on three studies, two production experiments and one perception study. The first production study investigated systematic variation in information structure, first syllable vowel quantity and the target word's position in the sentence, while the second production experiment induced variation in information structure, first and second syllable type and number of syllables. In addition to fundamental frequency, the materials were analysed regarding duration, the occurrence of pauses and voice quality. The perception study investigated the interpretation of compound/noun phrase minimal pairs with manipulated fundamental frequency contours using a two-alternative forced-choice picture selection task. Additionally, a pilot perception study on variation in peak height and timing supported the assumption of uniform tonal contours.
The frequency of intensional and non-first-order definable operators in natural languages constitutes a challenge for automated reasoning with the kind of logical translations that are deemed adequate by formal semanticists. Whereas linguists employ expressive higher-order logics in their theories of meaning, the most successful logical reasoning strategies with natural language to date rely on sophisticated first-order theorem provers and model builders. In order to bridge the fundamental mathematical gap between linguistic theory and computational practice, we present a general translation from a higher-order logic frequently employed in the linguistics literature, two-sorted Type Theory, to first-order logic under Henkin semantics. We investigate alternative formulations of the translation, discuss their properties, and evaluate the availability of linguistically relevant inferences with standard theorem provers in a test suite of inference problems stated in English. The results of the experiment indicate that translation from higher-order logic to first-order logic under Henkin semantics is a promising strategy for automated reasoning with natural languages.
This contribution focuses on indefinite arguments in object position. We address this topic from the point of view of the crosslinguistic variation within the Romance continuum, especially looking at Northern Italian Dialects (NIDs). The target is to describe the distribution of the different possible realizations of this kind of arguments in this area by means of an in-depth analysis of the data coming from the ASIt database and from three new fieldwork sessions. We show that the microvariation attested in this area reflects and refines the “macro” variation attested among the major Romance languages. The fine-grained picture that can be drawn from a closer look to a set of minimally varying languages helps crosslinguistic comparison and, consequently, the modeling of more precise analyses.
In meiner Arbeit zeige ich, dass es sich bei der klitischen Dopplung im Spanischen und Katalanischen um dasselbe Phänomen handelt, nämlich um ein synchrones Stadium einer sprachlichen Entwicklung der romanischen Sprachen: der Umwandlung der Objektmarkierung vom morphologischem Kasus hin zu anderen Strategien. Die existierenden Unterschiede zwischen den Sprachen und innerhalb ihrer Varietäten lässt sich so erklären, dass die Entwicklung der sprachlichen Systeme nicht gleichförmig verläuft - während das Spanische des Rio de la Plata-Raums bereits weit fortgeschritten ist, zeigt sich das Katalanische noch recht konservativ.
This dissertation is concerned with the role of prosody and, specifically, linguistic rhythm for the syntactic processing of written text. My aim is to put forward, provide evidence for, and defend the following claims:
1. While processing written sentences, readers make use of their phonological knowledge and generate a mental prosodic-phonological representation of the printed text.
2. The mental prosodic representation is constructed in accordance with a syntactic description of the written string. Constraints at the interface of syntax and phonology provide for the compatibility of the syntactic analysis and the (mental) prosodic rendition of the sentence.
3. The implicit prosodic structure readers impose on the written string entails phonological phrasing and accentuation, but also lower level prosodic features such as linguistic rhythm which emerges from the pattern of stressed and unstressed syllables.
4. Phonological well-formedness conditions accompany and influence the process of syntactic parsing in reading from the very beginning, i.e. already at the level of recognizing lexical categories. At points of underspecified syntactic structure, syntactic parsing decisions may be made on the basis of phonological constraints alone.
5. In reading, the implicit local lexical-prosodic information may be more readily available to the processing mechanism than higher-level discourse structural representations and consequently may have more immediate influence on sentence processing.
6. The process of sentence comprehension in reading is conditioned by factors that are geared towards sentence production.
7. The interplay of syntactic and phonological processes in reading can be explained with recourse to a performance-compatible competence grammar.
The evidence from three reading experiments supports these points and suggests a model of grammatical competence in which constraints from various domains (syntax, semantics, pragmatics, discourse structure, and phonology) interact in providing the possible structural, i.e. grammatical descriptions.
German free relative constructions allow for case requirement mismatches under two types of circumstances. The first is when the case required in the embedded clause is more complex (NOM < ACC < GEN < DAT) than the case required in the main clause, and the relative pronoun takes the form of the embedded clause case. The second type of circumstance is when the form that corresponds to the two required cases is syncretic. I propose an analysis that combines Caha’s (2009) case hierarchy in Nanosyntax with Van Riemsdijk’s (2006a) concept of Grafting. By placing case features as separate heads in the syntax, a less complex case can be Grafted into a different clause, explaining the first type of circumstance. The second type makes reference to the fact that syncretic forms are inserted via the same lexical entry (Superset Principle). A cross-linguistic comparison shows that it is language-specific whether a more complex case requirement in the main or embedded clause causes non-matching non-syncretic free relatives to be grammatical. For all languages it holds that the relative pronoun appears in the most complex case required, which provides additional evidence for case being complex and more complex cases being able to license less complex cases.
Modeling misretrieval and feature substitution in agreement attraction: a computational evaluation
(2021)
We present computational modeling results based on a self-paced reading study investigating number attraction effects in Eastern Armenian. We implement three novel computational models of agreement attraction in a Bayesian framework and compare their predictive fit to the data using k-fold cross-validation. We find that our data are better accounted for by an encoding-based model of agreement attraction, compared to a retrieval-based model. A novel methodological contribution of our study is the use of comprehension questions with open-ended responses, so that both misinterpretation of the number feature of the subject phrase and misassignment of the thematic subject role of the verb can be investigated at the same time. We find evidence for both types of misinterpretation in our study, sometimes in the same trial. However, the specific error patterns in our data are not fully consistent with any previously proposed model.
This work deals with so-called wh-determination. The notion of D-linking (Discourse-linking) is used to uncover and explain properties of constructions involving wh-determiners. The central claim is that there are two types of wh-determination: Token-whs and Kind-whs. These two forms of wh-determination trigger different syntactic effects. Three structural triggers for the syntactic effects exhibited by D-linked wh-phrases (DWH) are discussed. DWH are argued to be instances of Token-whs since triggers for the syntactic effects of D-linking are identical to the once for the token-reading of a wh-phrase.
In chapter 2, which-phrases are shown to be canonical DWH with a special syntax labelled DL-S(yntax). The five most prominent and frequent DL-S effects are the absence of superiority-effects with DWH, the ability of DWH to be extracted out of weak islands, the fact that DWH licence resumptive elements, the obviation of WCO effects by DWH, and the possibility for DWH to stay in-situ. The syntax of Token-whs and Kind-whs are compared. It is demonstrated that regardless of the actual form of the wh-determiner, there are only these two types of wh-determination. These data support the idea that the DL-S effects observable with DWH are triggered by structural properties of the wh-determiners heading DWH.
In chapter 3, it is demonstrated that although presuppositions projected by the Nominal Restrictor are important for triggering DL-I(nterpretation), they do not directly influence DL-S. The ambiguity of Amount-whs is also examined and the conclusion reached is that there are two #P projections: A NumP and a CardP. The dissertation proceeds with the structurally represented notions of definiteness and specificity and examines how these can help capturing the wh-determiner typology proposed. The idea that D-linking can be explained by recourse to topicality is discussed in detail. Empirical evidence is provided for the existence of wh-topics in general and for the claim that many DWH can be construed as wh-topics.
In chapter 4, the general pattern on which wh-pronouns are built are examined, and it is argued that the results bear directly on the topic of this thesis since wh-determiners are universally derived from pronouns. Wh-pronouns are diachronically built out of an element indicating the function of the proform (wh-morpheme), and an element denoting the range of the proform (Range Restrictor). Among other things, it is argued that the wh-morpheme does not mark interrogativity, leading to the adoption of a version of Q-theory. It is also briefly discussed whether the results are compatible with the hypothesis that wh-determiner phrases are Small Clauses. One claim is that all wh-pronouns are fossilized interrogative sentences, lending further support to the parallelism between sentential and nominal structures. It is then argued that Morphological Restrictors can be subdivided into Formal Features and Functional Nouns (and that elements which can become Functional Nouns are taken from the pool of Basic Ontological Categories). The question answered is how these elements synchronically contribute to the meaning of the wh-determiners. After examining the role of the Nominal Restrictor to the syntax of wh-determiners, the thesis continues investigating how Nominal Restrictor are related to Functional Nouns. Finally, the discussion expands to the structural correlates for DL-S effects. It is demonstrated how the results can formally be applied to wh-split constructions in order to explain differences between empty categories. Then, the results of the section on partitivity support the idea that the occurrences of most of the DL-S effects seem to strongly depend on the presence of a second nominal constituent in the structure of wh-phrases. This second nominal can be either a Functional Noun inside the wh-item used as wh-pronoun or an overt second noun as in wh-partitive phrases.
The contribution of this thesis to linguistic theorizing is not a full-fledged technical analysis of every single DL-S effect, but rather the systemisation proposed. Although a lot of terminology is introduced, the outcome of this proliferation of terms is a sharper picture of the intricate relations between the constituents of the wh-items used as wh-determiners and the Nominal Restrictor. Another main conclusion is that the concept of D-linking is not a basic notion. It is comprised of four components (of which DL-Syntax and Morphological-DL have been scrutinized in this thesis). This assumption explains why DWH do not constitute a homogeneous class. The gradual character of D-linking (i.e. the fact that certain wh-determiner constructions show only a subset of DL-S effects even if they are headed by what could faithfully be classified as a/the Token-wh determiner of the respective language) is argued to be related to the fact that the Token-reading itself can have several triggers.
Nominal modification in language production: Extraposition of prepositional phrases in german
(2019)
In my dissertation, I investigate the phenomenon of extraposition of PP out of NP in German in language production. Four production experiments, using the method of production of memory, and three experiments testing the acceptability of extraposition were conducted. In extraposition, a constituent is realized in a position to the right of what would be considered the canonical position. A special case is extraposition out of a nominal phrase (NP), in which a constituent is moved out of NP to the end of the utterance. The example in (1a) illustrates the canonical version, in which a prepositional phrase (PP) is adjacent to its head noun. In (1b) the PP is extraposed out of NP to the right edge of the sentence.
(1) a. Gestern hat eine Frau mit einer lauten, schrillen Stimme angerufen.
b. Gestern hat eine Frau angerufen mit einer lauten, schrillen Stimme.
There are two main aspects to consider: the length of the extraposed constituent (the PP), and the length of the intervening material. Experiment 1 investigated the influence of constituent length on extraposition. The hypothesis is that longer and more complex constituents are harder to produce and are therefore produced towards the end of the utterance. In the experiment, PPs of three different lengths (2-3, 5-6, 9-11 words) had to be reproduced in either adjacent or extraposed position. As to the length of the intervening material, the hypothesis is that sentences with more intervening material between head noun and extraposed PP will tend to be reproduced with the PP in adjacent position to the head noun. In order to test this hypothesis, the length of the intervening material (1, 2 and 4 words) was manipulated in Experiment 2. The same material was used in an acceptability experiment, using the method of magnitude estimation (Experiment 5).
Previous studies found that extraposition is preferred over verbal material only, thus Experiment 3 investigated the influence of different lengths of purely verbal intervening material. Experiment 4 was concerned with the differences between PP and RC extraposition in production.
Experiment 6 and 7 used Likert scales to assess the acceptability of extraposition. Experiment 6 investigated whether the acceptability of extraposition is influenced by the definiteness status of the NP out of which is extraposed and if a soft constraint for definiteness can be found for PP extraposition in German. Experiment 7 asked if the inner structure of the extraposed constituent (PP only vs. PP+RC) influences its acceptability. An extraposed PP that includes an RC should be "heavier" than a PP without an RC, since the number of phrasal nodes is higher. If indeed heavier constituents are realized at the end of an utterance, the acceptability of an extraposed PP that includes an RC should be higher than that of an extraposed PP without one.
The results of the production experiments show that sentences are mostly reproduced in their original linear sequence, which suggests that extraposed position seems to be just as canonical as adjacent position, especially when extraposition takes place over verbal material only. With regard to constituent length, in extraposed position long PPs are shortened less often, supporting the hypothesis that longer and more complex constituents tend to be produced at the end of the utterance. Recency effects were found for intervening material as participants dropped intervening material rather than change syntactic position of constituents. The length and type of the intervening material is important with respect to how much intervening material is acceptable. Verb clusters were not shortened in sentences with extraposed PPs, however, 1⁄3 of adverbs and 1⁄2 of PP adverbials including a lexical NP were shortened to „verb only“. Extraposed PPs are more often reproduced in adjacent position than adjacent PPs are reproduced in extraposed position. However, the position of RCs is more often changed from adjacent to extraposed than from extraposed to adjacent.
While producing extraposed PPs seems not to be any more difficult than producing adjacent ones, adjacent constituents are consistently rated higher than extraposed constituents in grammaticality judgment tasks. This is in line with findings of Konieczny (2000) on German RC extraposition. The number of phrasal nodes, as suggested by Rickford et al. (1995), did not have an influence on the acceptability of extraposition, while the length of the constituent, measured in words, seems to play a role. Definiteness had no effect on adjacent PPs, but when the PP was extraposed, sentences with an indefinite antecedent were rated higher than sentences with a definite antecedent. This suggests that there is a "soft constraint" for definiteness with regard to PP extraposition out of NP in German.
This thesis investigated the acquisition of restrictive and appositive interpretations of relative clauses in German-speaking children between the age of 3 and 6 in three experiments.
The theoretical background shows that restrictive relative clauses are semantically less complex than appositive ones. This assumption is supported by observations from a typological overview on the semantic functions attested across languages. It is shown that the existence of appositive relative clauses implies the availability of restrictive readings in a given language. Furthermore, restrictive readings may be favored due to the functioning of general processing principles. Previous research on the acquisition of relative clauses demonstrates that the acquisition of the semantic functions of relative clauses is an understudied area. In contrast, the acquisition of syntactic aspects of relative clauses is well documented. Relative clauses start to be produced in the third year of life and can be interpreted target-like between the age of 4 and 8 depending on their structure. Which semantic interpretation children assign to relative clauses at this age, however, is still an open question.
Based on the formal background and insights from previous studies, three experiments were designed: two picture selection tasks and one acceptability task. The crucial aspect of the experimental design constitutes the interaction of an ordinal number word and the interpretation of the relative clause in sentences like “Take the third car(,) that/which is red”. The scope of the ordinal number reveals whether the relative clause had been attached restrictively at the NP-level or whether it had been attached higher up at the DP shell resulting in an appositive interpretation.
The results of the experiments demonstrate that 4- to 6-year-old German-speaking children and adults prefer restrictive readings over appositive ones. This preference is found within the group data and is mirrored by the results of an individual analysis. In addition, while the majority of children has acquired restrictive readings at the age of 4, appositive interpretations are mastered only by about half of the children between age 4 and 6. Interestingly, 3-year-old children show a different pattern than their older peers. Appositive but not restrictive interpretations seem to be available to these children. Although the results may be taken as evidence that appositivity is acquired before restrictivity in relative clauses by German-speaking children, I propose the contrary. Based on assumptions about the complexity of restrictive and appositive derivations, I argue that the appositive interpretations observed at the age of 3 do not result from a target-like syntactic and semantic representation. I propose that 3-year-old children do not yet identify relative clauses as nominal modifiers. Instead, they are derived from an incorrect attachment of the relative clause higher up in the syntactic tree.
The results of the three experiments are the first to show that neither a prototypical unintegrated prosodic contour nor the presence of a lexical marker, the discourse particle “ja”, or a visual context biasing for appositivity led to an increase of appositive interpretations in the children’s groups. Adults, in contrast, were sensitive to the presence of the discourse particle and the cues from the visual context. As for children, the prosodic format of the relative clauses did not systematically change the interpretation preferences of adults.
The proposed acquisition path may not be specific to German. Instead, it is predicted to hold cross-linguistically and may also be transferred to the interpretation of adjectives. Moreover, the assumptions on how children integrate relative clauses during comprehension may be generalized to other types of subordinate clauses.
In this paper, we investigate the question of whether and how perspective taking at the linguistic level interacts with perspective taking at the level of co-speech gestures. In an experimental rating study, we compared test items clearly expressing the perspective of an individual participating in the event described by the sentence with test items which clearly express the speaker’s or narrator’s perspective. Each test item was videotaped in two different versions: In one version, the speaker performed a co-speech gesture in which she enacted the event described by the sentence from a participant’s point of view (i.e. with a character viewpoint gesture). In the other version, she performed a co-speech gesture depicting the event described by the sentence as if it was observed from a distance (i.e. with an observer viewpoint gesture). Both versions of each test item were shown to participants who then had to decide which of the two versions they find more natural. Based on the experimental results we argue that there is no general need for perspective taking on the linguistic level to be aligned with perspective taking on the gestural level. Rather, there is clear preference for the more informative gesture.
The standard view of the form-meaning interfaces, as embraced by the great majority of contemporary grammatical frameworks, consists in the assumption that meaning can be associated with grammatical form in a one-to-one correspondence. Under this view, composition is quite straightforward, involving concatenation of form, paired with functional application in meaning. In this book, we discuss linguistic phenomena across several grammatical sub-modules (morphology, syntax, semantics) that apparently pose a problem to the standard view, mapping out the potential for deviation from the ideal of one-to-one correspondences, and develop formal accounts of the range of phenomena. We argue that a constraint-based perspective is particularly apt to accommodate deviations from one-to-many correspondences, as it allows us to impose constraints on full structures (such as a complete word or the interpretation of a full sentence) instead of deriving such structures step by step.
Most of the papers in this volume are formulated in a particular constraint-based grammar framework, Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar. The contributions investigate how the lexical and constructional aspects of this theory can be combined to provide an answer to this question across different linguistic sub-theories.
This introductory paper provides an overview of the main phenomena investigated in this Special Issue, such as the relation between the encoding of indefinites and the presence of genitive and definite markers, the relation between partitivity and indefiniteness and the distribution of these phenomena in minority, or “micro”, varieties – such as Italian dialects, Galloromance varieties, North and South Saami – compared to the distribution of the same phenomena in majority, or “macro”, varieties – such as French, Italian, Spanish, Brazilian Portuguese, Estonian, Finnish, Czech and Serbian. The second part of the paper, then, provides an overview of the content of each original paper collected in the special issue.
Understanding a sentence and integrating it into the discourse depends upon the identification of its focus, which, in spoken German, is marked by accentuation. In the case of written language, which lacks explicit cues to accent, readers have to draw on other kinds of information to determine the focus. We study the joint or interactive effects of two kinds of information that have no direct representation in print but have each been shown to be influential in the reader's text comprehension: (i) the (low-level) rhythmic-prosodic structure that is based on the distribution of lexically stressed syllables, and (ii) the (high-level) discourse context that is grounded in the memory of previous linguistic content. Systematically manipulating these factors, we examine the way readers resolve a syntactic ambiguity involving the scopally ambiguous focus operator auch (engl. “too”) in both oral (Experiment 1) and silent reading (Experiment 2). The results of both experiments attest that discourse context and local linguistic rhythm conspire to guide the syntactic and, concomitantly, the focus-structural analysis of ambiguous sentences. We argue that reading comprehension requires the (implicit) assignment of accents according to the focus structure and that, by establishing a prominence profile, the implicit prosodic rhythm directly affects accent assignment.
In this work, we intend to investigate one fundamental aspect of language contact by comparing the distribution of subjects in German, Northern Italian dialects and Cimbrian. Here, we show that purely syntactic order phenomena are more prone to convergence, i.e., less resilient, while phenomena that have a clearly identifiable morphological counterpart are more resilient. The empirical domain of investigation for our analysis is the morphosyntax of both nominal and pronominal subjects, the agreement pattern and their position in Cimbrian grammar. While agreement patterns display a highly conservative paradigm, the syntax of nominal (vP-peripheral and topicalized) subjects is innovative and mimics the Italian linear word order.
Ausgangspunkt der Studie ist die These, dass sprachlich und kulturell heterogene Lerngruppen, an denen Studierende mit und ohne spanischsprachigen Familienhintergrund gemeinsam teilnehmen, als eine günstige Lernsituation betrachtet werden können. Voraussetzung dafür ist, dass die unterschiedlichen sprachlichen und kulturellen Gegebenheiten als Ressourcen für den Unterricht verstanden werden.
Mit dem Fokus auf Sprachveranstaltungen in Spanisch, die von Studierenden an der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main besucht werden, und die im Rahmen ihres Lehramtsstudiums im Fach Spanisch stattfinden, wurden in dieser Studie folgende Forschungsfragen verfolgt:
1. Wie entstehen und entwickeln sich Sprachlernprozesse in sprachlich und kulturell vielfältigen Lernkontexten?
2. Wie zeichnet sich das Lernen in sprachlich und kulturell vielfältigen Lernkontexten aus?
3. Welche sprachlichen und kulturellen Ressourcen können für die sprachliche und kulturelle Förderung genutzt und bewusst eingesetzt werden?
Wichtigste Forschungsergebnisse:
Es wurde festgestellt, dass Sprachlernprozesse bei Studierenden mit und ohne spanischsprachigen Familienhintergrund sowohl im kognitiven als auch im emotionalen Bereich qualitativ unterschiedlich verlaufen und, dass in sprachlich und kulturell vielfältigen Lernkontexten individuelle und überindividuelle Sprachlern-prozesse stattfinden, die einander bedingen.
Was das gemeinsame Lernen angeht, konnte festgestellt werden, dass Studierende ohne spanischsprachigen Familienhintergrund widersprüchliche Erwartungen an die Studierenden mit spanischsprachigem Familienhintergrund haben: Einerseits schätzen sie die Präsenz ihrer Kommilitonen und sehen sie als Mittler zwischen dem Unterricht und der Realität außerhalb des Unterrichts, weil sie die „echte“ Sprache und Kultur in den Klassenraum bringen. Anderseits fühlen sie sich durch ihre Anwesenheit im Unterricht verunsichert, was ihre sprachliche Entwicklung zum Teil hemmt. Bei den Studierenden mit spanischsprachigem Familienhintergrund konnten unterschiedliche Phasen in ihrem Sprachlernprozess beobachtet werden, die ihre Lernattitüde und ihre Haltung zu den Kommilitoninnen und Kommilitonen konditionieren.
Entscheidend für die Konstruktion gemeinsamer Sprachlernprozessen ist, dass die Studierenden ihre Positionierung als peer ihrer Kommilitoninnen und Kommilitonen bewusst wahrnehmen, was nicht immer der Fall ist. Auch die Bewusstwerdung der eigenen Funktion als Mittler zwischen Sprachen und Kulturen insbesondere (aber nicht nur) bei Studierenden mit spanischsprachigem Familienhintergrund soll im Unterricht durch die Reflexion über die eigene sprachliche und kulturelle Identität gefördert werden.
Im Umgang mit solchen Lerngruppen haben Dozentinnen und Dozenten unterschiedliche Erwartungen. In der Regel werden aber Lerninhalte vermittelt, die die sprachliche und kulturelle Vielfalt im Unterricht nicht berücksichtigen. Für die Leistungsbewertung beider Studierendengruppen werden oft unterschiedliche Kriterien angewendet, woraus Konflikte zwischen den Veranstaltungsteilnehmerinnen und -teilnehmern entstehen.
Die Rolle der Dozentinnen und Dozenten selbst ist in der Gestaltung gemeinsamer Lernkontexte, in denen die Interaktion der Studierenden gefördert werden, grundlegend. Damit dies gelingt, sollen sie einerseits für Mehrsprachigkeit als Phänomen der Gesellschaft, das den Sprachunterricht im besonderen Maße betrifft, sensibilisiert sein. Andererseits soll ihnen bewusst werden, dass das Sprachenlernen aus einer kognitiven und einer emotionalen Seite besteht, die in engem Zusammenhang mit mehrsprachigen und mehrkulturellen Identitätskonstruktionen stehen. Beide Seiten sollen im Unterricht gefördert werden.
This paper investigates multi-valuation, i.e. cases where one probe agrees with multiple goals thus obtaining multiple feature values. Focusing on number agreement, I look at the cross-linguistic patterns on multi-valued Ns in the nominal Right Node Raising construction (Nominal RNR) reported in Belyaev et al. (2015); Harizanov & Gribanova (2015); Shen (2016) as well as multi-valued Ts in TP RNR construction reported in Yatabe (2003); Grosz (2009; 2015); Kluck (2009). I show that three types of languages are attested: languages like Serbo-Croatian that show singular marking on both multi-valued Ns and Ts, languages like Russian that show plural marking on both multi-valued Ns and Ts, and languages like English that show singular marking on multi-valued Ns and plural marking on multi-valued Ts. No language is attested that shows plural marking on multi-valued Ns and singular marking on multi-valued Ts. I use this 3/4 pattern to argue that multi-valuation shows the effect of the Agreement Hierarchy discussed by Corbett (1979; 2006) among others.
This thesis investigates the acquisition of compositional and lexical semantic properties of adjectives in German-speaking children between the age of two and five years.
According to formal semantic approaches, there are intersective and non-intersective adjectives, subsective and non-subsective adjectives as well as gradable and non-gradable adjectives. These properties concern the compositional mechanisms involved in nominal modification, i.e., the combination of adjectives and nouns. In addition, adjectives differ regarding lexical semantic properties that contribute to the adjectives' meaning. Differences in the adjectives' scale structure have led to the theoretical assumption that gradable adjectives should be distinguished into relative and absolute gradable adjectives. In addition, meaning components such as multidimensionality or subjectivity have led to the distinction between dimensional and evaluative gradable adjectives. These properties have been mostly investigated independently of each other in both theory and acquisition research. I suggest a classification system for adjectives that combines different semantic properties. This system results in six adjective classes constituting a Semantic Complexity Hierarchy. Assuming that these adjective classes differ in semantic complexity, I propose an operationalization of semantic complexity that takes into account the adjectives' length of description, their type complexity, and lexical properties that contribute to the adjectives' meaning.
Regarding the question of how monolingual German-speaking children acquire the semantics of adjectives, I hypothesize that the order of acquisition of adjectives is determined by their semantic complexity. This hypothesis is tested in a spontaneous speech study and a comprehension experiment.
The spontaneous speech study is a longitudinal investigation of the production of adjectives from 2;00 to 2;11 years based on transcripts from a dense data corpus. The results provide evidence that the mean age of acquisition for the adjective classes in the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy follows the order predicted by semantic complexity. The same order was observed for the age at which the number of types for each class increased most. A preliminary analysis of the input indicates that the frequency of parental adjective use is related to the order of acquisition, but it is unlikely that frequency determines the order completely.
The comprehension experiment focuses on two specific adjective classes. I examine children's and adults' interpretation of relative (big, small) and absolute (clean, dirty) gradable dimensional adjectives with a picture-choice task. These two classes are of the same semantic complexity because they are both gradable, but they have different scale structures. As a result, they must be interpreted differently due to lexical semantic properties. I investigate whether children calculate different standards of comparison for relative and absolute gradable adjectives and whether they distinguish between relative and absolute gradable adjectives regarding the relevance of the explicit comparison class. The results indicate that as of age 3, children distinguish between relative and absolute gradable adjectives with regard to the standard of comparison. However, with respect to the relevance of the comparison class, for 3-year-old children, unlike for 4- and 5-year-olds, changes in the noun, i.e., in the explicit comparison class, led to non-adult-like responses regarding both relative and absolute gradable adjectives.
On the basis of the empirical findings, I propose an acquisition path stating that children enter the acquisition process with inherent linguistic knowledge, the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy, and cognitive abilities to categorize their environment. I suggest that initially, children apply the least complex interpretation available in the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy to all adjectives: all adjectives are interpreted as properties of individuals that are not gradable. To access other levels of the Semantic Complexity Hierarchy and to establish more complex adjective classes, positive evidence from the input and conceptual properties of adjectives, e.g., COLOR, MENTAL STATE, PHYSICAL PROPERTY etc., can operate as triggers.
This dissertation provides a comprehensive account of the grammar of relative clause extraposition in English. Based on a systematic review and evaluation of the empirical generalizations and theoretical approaches provided in the literature on generative grammar, it is shown that none of the previous theories is able to account for all the relevant facts. Among the most problematic data are the Principle C and scope effects of relative clause extraposition, cases with obligatory relative clauses, and relative clauses with elliptical NPs as antecedents.
I propose a new analysis of relative clause extraposition within the constraint-based, monostratal grammatical framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), enhanced with the semantic theory of Lexical Resource Semantics (LRS). Crucially, it is a general analysis of relative clause attachment, since both canonical and extraposed relative clauses are licensed by the same syntactic and semantic constraints. The basic assumption is that a relative clause can be adjoined to any phrase that contains a suitable antecedent of the relative pronoun. The semantic information that licenses the relative clause is introduced by the determiner of the antecedent NP. The techniques of underspecified semantics and the standard semantic representation language used by LRS make it possible to formulate constraints which yield the correct intersective interpretation of the relative clause (arbitrarily distant from its antecedent NP) and at the same time link the scope of the antecedent NP to the adjunction site of the relative clause.
In combination with the revised HPSG binding theory developed in this dissertation, the proposed analysis is able to capture the major properties of relative clause attachment within a unified and internally consistent monostratal constraint-based grammatical framework.
Die durchgeführte Studie befasste sich mit der Fragestellung, wie transidente Menschen in verschiedenen italienischen und rumänischen gesellschaftlichen Diskursen dargestellt werden und welche Aussagen anhand der in den Textauszügen enthaltenen sprachlichen Phänomene über die Situation und Lebensrealität von transidenten Menschen in Italien und Rumänien getroffen werden können.
Hierzu wurde in der vorliegenden Arbeit zunächst eine theoretische Grundlage geschaffen, die einerseits die Zusammenhänge im Themenbereich Diskurs und Diskriminierung beleuchtete und andererseits jene zwischen Gendertheorie, queeren communities und Lebensrealitäten im Kontext von Transidentität. Ebenso wurde im Zuge dessen eine präzise Definition des Begriffs Transidentität erarbeitet.
In der anschließenden Analyse wurden Auszüge aus diagnostischen Standardwerken der Psychologie, Gesetzestexten, medialen Fremddarstellungen transidenter Menschen und Eigendarstellungen transidenter Menschen in sozialen Netzwerken auf Inhalt, Präsentation, Lexikon und Syntax untersucht. Hierbei sollten Hinweise auf die Darstellungen transidenter Menschen in den folgenden vier gesellschaftlichen Diskursen gesucht werden: erstens der Diskurs über die medizinisch-psychologische Versorgung transidenter Menschen sowie darin enthaltene Pathologisierung; zweitens gesetzliche Regelungen sowie darin enthaltener Schutz vor Gewalttaten und Diskriminierung; drittens Gesellschaft sowie Teilhabe und Diskriminierung innerhalb dieser; und zuletzt Selbstverständnis im Kontext von aktivistischen Diskursen.
Variation in enclitic possessive constructions in Southern Italian dialects: a syntactic analysis
(2019)
This thesis investigates enclitic possessive constructions (EPCs) that are a widespread and frequently used construction among Southern Italian dialects (SIDs). In general, EPCs display the structure N-EP where the N is a (singular) kinship noun and the EP the enclitic possessive directly attached to the kinship noun. However, there is a huge variation among SIDs as well as within the system of a specific dialect. The aim of the present work is twofold. The empirical part contributes new data to this topic as well as a detailed and organized overview of (micro-) variational observations from data of different sources including for example the linguistic maps of the AIS (Atlante Italo-Svizzero). The main aspects of variation are (a) the presence or absence of an obligatory article (D – N-EP vs. N-EP), (b) the possibility of plural kinship noun-EPCs and (c) the compatibility of a specific person-EP with a specific kinship noun within a dialect. Based on the empirical findings, the syntactic part proposes a syntactic analysis for EPCs focusing on the following research questions: 1) In some dialects, singular kinship noun-EPCs display an obligatory article with the 3SG.EP. What is the reason for this article-based person split (1st and 2nd vs. 3rd)? And further, how are both structures, with and without an article, represented in the syntax, i.e. in DP and PossP? 2) In some dialects, plural kinship nouns are allowed to occur in EPCs, and in others, they are disallowed. With respect to this dichotomy, what is the role of NumP? 3) Kinship nouns are relational and express inalienability. How can this property be captured in the syntax? I argue that the article-based person split is due to the deictic properties of the possessor-persons, meaning that 1SG.EPs and 2SG.EPs need to be bound by the speaker’s coordinates in the left periphery of the clause, whereas 3SG.EPs do not. As a consequence, 1SG and 2SG EPCs move to the highest position, i.e. to D°, and 3SG EPCs can stay lower in the structure, i.e. in Poss°. Based on this dichotomy, I argue that both D° and Poss° can host EPCs. In order to capture the (im)possibility of plural kinship nouns-EPCs, I argue that NumP, as a parametrised position, can block or allow further movement of the kinship noun to Poss° (and to D°). With respect to the relational nature of kinship nouns I propose that they are base-generated within the complement position of a relator phrase (RP), and EPs in Poss°. In order to derive EPCs, the kinship nouns must move out of their position. The kinship noun lands in NumP, the position where further movement is probably blocked. If further movement is allowed, the kinship noun merges to the left of the EP, resulting in a complete EPC in Poss°. The last leg of the movement to D° depends on the presence of absence of an obligatory article. The phenomenon of EPCs displays a huge variation among SIDs and needs to be investigated from different perspectives and different linguistic areas. The present work contributes to the puzzle of EPCs new data and a syntactic analysis.
Event-related potential (ERP) data in monolingual German speakers have shown that sentential metric expectancy violations elicit a biphasic ERP pattern consisting of an anterior negativity and a posterior positivity (P600). This pattern is comparable to that elicited by syntactic violations. However, proficient French late learners of German do not detect violations of metric expectancy in German. They also show qualitatively and quantitatively different ERP responses to metric and syntactic violations. We followed up the questions whether (1) latter evidence results from a potential pitch cue insensitivity in speech segmentation in French speakers, or (2) if the result is founded in rhythmic language differences. Therefore, we tested Spanish late learners of German, as Spanish, contrary to French, uses pitch as a segmentation cue even though the basic segmentation unit is the same in French and Spanish (i.e., the syllable). We report ERP responses showing that Spanish L2 learners are sensitive to syntactic as well as metric violations in German sentences independent of attention to task in a P600 response. Overall, the behavioral performance resembles that of German native speakers. The current data suggest that Spanish L2 learners are able to extract metric units (trochee) in their L2 (German) even though their basic segmentation unit in Spanish is the syllable. In addition Spanish in contrast to French L2 learners of German are sensitive to syntactic violations indicating a tight link between syntactic and metric competence. This finding emphasizes the relevant role of metric cues not only in L2 prosodic but also in syntactic processing.