440 Romanische Sprachen; Französisch
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (26)
- Part of Periodical (26)
- Part of a Book (5)
- Conference Proceeding (2)
- magisterthesis (1)
- Periodical (1)
- Report (1)
- Review (1)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (63)
Keywords
- Deutsch (3)
- Französisch (3)
- Romanistik (3)
- Europa (2)
- Hagen <2001> (2)
- Kind (2)
- Kongress (2)
- Kymrisch (2)
- Mehrsprachigkeit (2)
- Semantik (2)
Institute
Nominalization in French can be done by means of conversion, which is characterized by the identity between the base and the derived lexeme. Since both noun→verb and verb→noun conversions exist, this property raises directionality issues, and sometimes leads to contradictory analyses of the same examples. The paper presents two approaches of conversion: derivational and non-derivational ones. Then it discusses various criteria used in derivational approaches to determine the direction of conversion: diachronic ones, such as dates of first attestation or etymology; and synchronic ones, such as semantic relations, noun gender or verb inflection. All criteria are evaluated on a corpus of 3,241 French noun~verb pairs. It is shown that none of them enables to identify the direction of conversion in French. Finally, the consequences for the theory of morphology are discussed.
Le concept d’eurocompréhension signifie intercompréhension dans les trois grands groupes linguistiques européens, à savoir les langues romanes, slaves et germaniques. Il s’agit, en respectant les objectifs1 de la politique linguistique de l’Union Européenne, de parvenir de façon modulaire au plurilinguisme par le biais de compétences réceptives. Dans ce cadre, les recherches linguistiques effectuées sur l’intercompréhension fournissent les bases de transfert interlangues pour l’exploitation cognitive de la parenté entre les langues des groupes différents. ...
This paper investigates how French signals prominence in prosody in the post-verbal domain of sentences with two objects or two adjuncts that vary in information status and prosodic length. The information status of particular interest here is dual focus, defined as the presence of two foci in a mono-clausal sentence, but other information states are investigated as well. The controlled production experiment we report on allows for a detailed examination of prosodic prominence. High boundary tones at the end of non-final prosodic phrases are pervasive, as has been documented in many studies before the present one. An important but less documented result is the variation in different prosodic curs, in particular in the number and position of high tones, as well as the particular scaling relationship between them, providing a powerful tool for the expression of (dual) focus. We also report on a perception experiment with our data, showing a clear tendency for French listeners to select the intended context question, recognizing dual focus better than other information states. Overall, this article provides elements of answers as to why French prosody is so difficult to pin down, and why contradictory results and analyses have been proposed for this language.
Remarks on Marking
(2002)
This paper calls for a reexamination of the Marking Theory of HPSG, which in its standard form involves a considerable amount of dedicated formal machinery, but which proves to be inapplicable for most types of grammatical marking. As an alternative, it is demonstrated that head-marker phrases can be reanalyzed as head-complement structures, with the marking element treated as the syntactic head. This approach allows the elimination of all marking-specific formal apparatus, with the exception of the attribute MARKING, which percolates as an ordinary HEAD feature, and whose function is significantly expanded.
The proposed approach allows marking elements to be related to other lexical heads (prepositions, in particular), and marking constructions are better integrated in the grammar, rather than being grouped into an exceptional class of head-marker phrases.
French suffixations in -age, -ion and -ment are considered roughly equivalent, yet some differences have been pointed out regarding the semantics of the resulting nominalizations. In this study, we confirm the existence of a semantic distinction between them on the basis of a large scale distributional analysis. We show that the distinction is partially determined by the degree of technicality of the denoted action: -age nominals tend to be more technical than -ion ones. We examine this hypothesis through the statistical modeling of technicality. To this end, we propose a linguistic definition of technicality, which we implement using empirical, quantitative criteria estimated in corpora and lexical resources. We show to what extent the differences with respect to these criteria adequately approximate technicality. Our study indicates that this definition of technicality, while amendable, provides new perspectives for the characterization of action nouns.
This paper builds on Zwicky's (1986) notion of shape condition, that is, a rule that specifies the phonological shape of inflected forms "by reference to triggers at least some of which lie outside the syntactic word". Zwicky observes that "many rules traditionally classified as external sandhi rules are [shape conditions]". They are not phonological rules in the usual sense, since they only apply to specific lexical items and are active within syntactic rather than phonological domains.
Shape conditions are problematic in many standard grammar architectures. On the one hand, they seem to be constraints on lexical entries, while on the other hand, they make reference to the syntactic context. Hayes (1990) has sketched a theory of "precompiled phrasal phonology" in which allomorph choice is conditioned by subcategorization frames in lexical entries. However, his approach is not formalized in any detail, and moreover makes the implicit claim that the relation between a shape condition target and its triggers can be equated with the syntactic relation between a lexical head and its complement. Although this assumption holds good for the Hausa phenomena he addresses, we do not believe that it holds in general.
HPSG appears to offer promising framework for formalizing something like Hayes' approach, but the standard machinery also makes it hard to distinguish a shape condition trigger from a complement. In order to overcome this difficulty, we develop the notion of phonological context: a feature of signs which allows us to condition allomorphic alternation in terms of (i) the phonological edges, and (ii) the syntactic properties of an expression's immediate syntactic sisters. We show how our analysis deals with four illustrative cases: the indefinite article alternation in English, syncretic liaison forms for possessive pronouns in French, Hausa verb-final vowel shortening, and soft mutation in Welsh nouns.
Dieser Beitrag soll die fossilierte Lernervarietät darstellen, wie sie von vielen in der Deutschschweiz assimilierten Welschen gesprochen wird. Obwohl der deutsch-französische Sprachkontakt in der Schweiz schon lange intensiv ist, ist diese Varietät noch kaum beschrieben, während das Verhältnis von Welsch- und Deutschschweizern in Untersuchungen zur viersprachigen Schweiz oft thematisiert wird. Die folgende Auswahl soll nur einen Einblick geben in diese Fragestellungen: Die Einstellung der Romands zum Schweizerdeutschen und ihre Bereitschaft, die Mundart zu lernen, untersucht G. Lüdi (1992), U. Windisch u.a. (1994) dokumentieren die Alltagsbeziehungen zwischen Romands und Deutschschweizern, B. Py (1996) zeigt die Funktion des Code-Switching in bi- oder multilingualen Gemeinschaften, darunter viele Beispiele von Romands. Mehrfach untersucht wurde die Sprachwahl und das Sprachverhalten in den zweisprachigen Städten Biel und Fribourg (u.a. C. Brohy (1992); G. Kolde (1981)). In den letzten Jahren sind einige Arbeiten zur schweizerdeutschen Lernervarietät der italienischen, griechischen und türkischen Immigranten erschienen (G. Berruto und H. Burger (1985); W. de Jong (1986), S. dal Negro (1993); I. Werlen (1986)). Zur dialektalen Varietät der Welschen hingegen ist mir einzig die Arbeit von I. Werlen (1991) bekannt. Im Rahmen eines Projekts des Phonogrammarchivs der Universität Zürich zu den Sprachvarietäten in der Stadt Bern wurde auch eine Aufnahme eines Welschen realisiert. Diese Aufnahme möchte ich hier präsentieren.
This paper presents a general approach to verbal inflection with special emphasis on suppletion phenomena. The paper focuses on French, but the approach is general enough to apply to a wide variety of languages.
In the first part of the paper, we show that suppletion is not erratic: suppletive forms tend to always appear in groups, in definite areas of verbal paradigms. Our analysis is based on the observation of a number of dependency relations between inflectional forms of verbs (somewhat similar to rules of referral (Zwicky 1985, Stump 1993)). We define for each language a stem dependency tree based on these observations, which allows one to predict the whole paradigm of every verb in the language on the basis of a minimal number of idiosyncratic stems. We use the tree to minimize the quantity of redundant phonological information that has to be listed in the lexicon for a given lexeme, assuming that an optimal analysis of inflection should be able to derive all and only intuitively predictable inflectional forms from a single representation.
The second part of the paper attempts to integrate the analysis in an HPSG hierarchical lexicon. Morphological dependency relations are represented directly by mentioning a lexical sign in another sign's lexical entry. The approach to suppletion proposed in the first part is made explicit using a combination of online type construction and default constraints on the phonology of dependent signs.
While French degree words in French have been assigned several syntactic categories, we show that they are rather highy polymorphic adverbs (they occur in all syntactic domains), which select the expression they modify on a purely semantic basis. Like French adverbs in general, they occur both to the left and to the right of the head they modify. Following previous work (a.o. van Noord and Bouma 1994, Abeillé and Godard 1997, Bouma et al. 2000), we assign them two different grammatical functions, adjuncts and complements. Semantically, they differ from quantifiers. We follow Kennedy (2000) who analyzes them as scalar predicate modifiers. Finally, the specific syntactic constraints that characterize a subset of them can be shown to follow from, or be related to, their weight properties (Abeillé and Godard 2000). We conclude that their apparently idiosyncratic properties fit into a more general theory of grammar.
Of all French functional elements, the form de has without question the widest variety of uses, and presents the greatest challenge for linguistic description and analysis. Historically a preposition, it still has a number of prepositional uses in modern French, but in many contexts it calls for an altogether different treatment. We begin by outlining a general distinction between oblique and non-oblique uses of de. We then develop a detailed account of constructions where de combines with an N'. We provide a unitary analysis of de in three constructions (quantifier extraction, "quantification at a distance", and negative contexts) which have been not been considered to be related in previous accounts.
The Acadian population of the Atlantic provinces is located in a number of geographically separate areas. Existing phonological descriptions of specific varieties have shown the existence of a great deal of diversity, but also much common ground. Little comparative work has been conducted to assess the extent to which the various regional varieties share the characteristics described for individual communities. New data are here brought to bear on these issues, drawn from the material collected in the course of a research project which has as its general objective the systematic charting of the linguistic differences and similarities among the Acadian communities of Nova Scotia. Features common to all these communities and to previously described varieties are distinguished from those which show interdialectal differences, and the nature of these differences is analyzed.
In French, Italian, and Romanian, forms inherited from the Latin paradigm 'esse' are used for the copula, the passive auxiliary and tense or perfective auxiliaries. We show that the copula and the passive auxiliary should be identified, while the tense or perfective auxiliaries are different lexemes. Moreover, the copula has the same description across all the Romance languages. While they all are argument inheritance verbs, the copula and the tense or perfective auxiliaries differ with respect to their complement structure: (i) the second only have one complement structure (the complement participle is complement unsaturated), the copula has two complement structures (the predicate is either complement saturated or unsaturated); (ii) French and Italian tense auxiliaries are the head of a flat VP, where the participle is sister to its subcategorized complements, the Romanian perfective auxiliary is the head of a verbal complex; (iii) when the complement predicate is unsaturated, the Romance copula is the head of a flat VP.
Two consequences of the analysis are worth mentioning. First, the copula (and the passive auxiliary) should not be taken into account when stating the environments for auxiliary selection in French and Italian. Second, argument inheritance and complement structure are different phenomena, and argue in favor of theories which systematically distinguish between valence features and constituent structures.
Les données de l’effet d’affaiblissement de l’obviation (ou encore référence disjointe du subjonctif) dans la littérature linguistique sont soit fondées sur l’intuition des auteurs soit issues de publications d’autres chercheurs, bien que cet effet soit connu depuis longtemps et bien qu’il fasse partie de plusieurs modélisations théoriques. En conséquence, aucune réponse de nature empirique/expérimentale a été offerte à la question « A quel point les affirmations portant sur l'effet d'affaiblissement de l'obviation sont-elles solides ? ». Cet article se fixe en conséquence un double objectif : (i) mettre en oeuvre un jugement de grammaticalité afin de répondre expérimentalement à la question précédente, et (ii) proposer une analyse syntaxique provisoire des résultats obtenus. Ici, nous étudions six facteurs qui – selon Ruwet (1984/1991) – déclenchent l’affaiblissement. Les résultats montrent que seul un facteur (la coordination) déclenche l’affaiblissement. En conséquence, l’appareil théorique permettant de modéliser l’affaiblissement peut être réduit radicalement, et nous proposons des pistes de modélisation syntaxique n’intégrant que le facteur de coordination