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Un moment de ma vie
(2008)
Algeria Facing Globalisation is a contribution by intellectuals (researchers, trade-unionists, members of associative movements) to the intellectual and material crisis which Algeria has gone through since the 1980s. The crisis, evident in the new economic downturn created by globalisation, has manifested itself through a genuine right of interference, then, at the end of the violence, through the search for new insertion into a world dominated by one super-power and by a neo-liberal economy. The contributions are strategic, assess public policies and their outcomes, and provide solutions for the crisis. Three of the contributions are of global interest and underscore, on the one hand, the crisis as turning point, with respect to Algeria's economic situation, and to trends in policies before 1988 (Mohamed Moulfi). On the other hand, the contributions underscore strategies by actors that are a disservice to reform policies and nurture corruption and the shambling of the economy (Rachid Tlem?ani). Five contributions are on sector-based policies: education (Ahmed Djebbar), banking and financial system (Fatima Zohra Oufriha), environment and sustainable development (Azzouz Kerdoun), rural development (Omar Benbekhti) and the implications of the law on Hydrocarbons (Farid Benyoucef). The authors assess the repercussions of external constraints (world market for oil and agricultural products, new information and communication technologies, and the financial market). The contributions on social movements (Ahmed Chouicha), women (Souad Bendjaballah and Fatima Zohra Sa?) and intellectuals (Tayeb Chenntouf) endeavour to assess the potentials of social transformation. Last but not least, the concluding contribution is an interim assessment of the situation (Tayeb Chenntouf). It provides potential means for solving the crisis: the setting up of a new historic block with its two essential components, namely, the development of a project for the future and mobilisation of social actors capable of implementing it. Today, once again, Algeria seems to be at the crossroads.
Armee et politique au Niger
(2008)
Niger's political history has lacked a synthesis on the army's involvement in politics since independence. The country is a fertile ground for such analysis. Between 1964 and 1999, the country witnessed three successful military coups during the democratisation process (April 1974, January 1996, and April 1999) and at least four military coup attempts (1964, 1975, 1976, 1983). In its forty years of independence, Niger has been under military rule for twenty-one years. It has also experienced seven different institutional regimes while four out of the six presidents who headed the country were soldiers. Niger evolved from the Second to the Fifth Republic in less than ten years - from the national conference (November 1991) to the last military coup (April 1999). In statistical terms, Niger has been witnessing a military coup or a military coup attempt every five-years since 1974. In addition to that, the country recorded seven mutinies and various other forms of troop rebellion between December 1963 and August 2000. In terms of institutional instability, Niger's record is unparalleled in Africa. A study on the army is therefore more needed than ever before. The recurrence with which the military appears on the political scene imposes another way of looking at Niger's army. A critical analysis of the military phenomenon, if not an assessment, would help envisage new prospects for Niger's future. This work, which was undertaken by a multi disciplinary team, suggests an analysis, from a historical and sociological perspective, of the long-standing involvement of the army in politics (the apparition of war leaders in the 19th century, the transition from colonial army to national army, the politicisation of the army and the emergence of 'military-politicians', the army sociology.). It aims at providing an answer to a key question: Why is the army so deeply involved in politics in Niger? It reveals how a significant military component has been gradually built up in Niger's political arena to become a highly dynamic political entrepreneur, able to compete with civilian politicians. The work shows, on the one hand, the significance of socio-political and economic contexts that promote the propensity for military interventionism, and on the other hand the transformations within the army that explain its propensity to intervene. It relates two decades of 'military rule', analyses their modes of legitimating, organising and managing power, gives an assessment of their economic policies and sheds light on women's role in that institution, which was thus far a men's business.
This book seeks to explain the events that have been taking place in C?te d'Ivoire since 1999 and which are commonly referred to as 'la crise ivoirienne' (the Ivorian crisis). It seems that the day to day interpretation of the events did not provide a satisfactory explanation of the deep fracture and that it was necessary to reconsider the essentialist theoretical categories that are striving to impose on us a false view, made cumbersome by ethnocentric prejudices. To avoid falling into the trap of the day to day interpretation of events will require an in-depth questioning of the causes of the foreseen collapse of the Ivorian model. Having a grasp on the historical meaning of facts is required in examining the sequence and interconnection of events which we always need to rule on the historical weight in order to gauge the tragic trend of the social dynamics. While looking for the causes of the social and political rift, the authors of this volume started by asking a central question: How does the weight of the modern Ivorian society formation intervene in the modalities of the actions of individuals and current collectivities? The brutal and violent fracture which the Ivorian social formation underwent brings forth, once again, the issue of collective identities and unveils, at the same time, the challenges related to the incomplete nature of the construction of 'Nation States' in Africa. In fact, it is a mistake to think that the crisis spontaneously started among partisan higher authorities and to ignore that behind the ostentatious declarations on National Unity, pre-colonial groups have not completely melted into the modern 'Nation'. Furthermore, in the process of 'national' social space formation, new social combinations emerge by continuously re-inventing themselves. It seems that the roots of current crises reside in the unprecedented transformation which contemporary African societies have been undergoing.
This book is an uncompromising analysis of Senegal's decentralisation policy in rural areas. It discusses the state's inability to promote local development, despite this being its main raison d'?tre in a context of poverty. To identify reasons for the shortcomings, the author goes beyond policy statements and explores, sociologically, the compatibility of the behaviour and the cultural context of actors with the pursuance of local development objectives. Yet, there are indeed solutions to the actors' lethargy and to the weak coverage of the initiatives undertaken. The solutions can be found in the methodical and civic mobilisation around more ambitious actions that are more adapted to receptive localities, though opened to modernity and perfectly anchored in the culture for positive results. Rosnert Ludovic Alissoutin holds a PhD in Law. Since 1995, he has been working as a consultant on development issues in Senegal and Africa, particularly local development issues. The particularity of his approach lies in the rejection of scientific exclusivism and recourse to a multi disciplinary, open and flexible analysis of the complexity of human development. It is this perspective that informed his doctoral thesis on La Gestion de l'eau en milieu aride, which discusses legal, anthropological, geographical, and sociological issues. For additional information on his profile and work, visit his website: http://www.ralissoutin.com.
Pour faire face ? l'inefficacit? du mod?le ?tatique de d?veloppement des ann?es 1960-1970, les initiatives priv?es et l'entreprenariat ont ?t? encourag?s comme un moyen de sortir les ?conomies africaines au suddu Sahara de leur marasme chronique. Dans le cas de la R?publique d?mocratique du Congo, ce changement d'orientation ?conomique a entrain? l'?mergence de micro et petites entreprises qui -compte tenu deleur manque de structuration, de leur ?volution en marge du cadre l?gal, de leurs insuffisances intrins?ques ? pourvoir des emplois durables et deleur faible impact socio-?conomique- ont montr? leur limite quant ? leur capacit? de fournir un gage de d?veloppement durable. Avec une approche m?thodologique bas?e sur la micro-?conomie, la statistique et l'?conom?trie, ce livre scrute l'environnement ?conomique, mais aussi l?gal et financier dans lequel ?voluent les PME congolaises. Ce livre tente aussi de r?pondre aux questions li?es aux facteurs decroissance, aux conditions et m?canismes qui doivent constituer lesoubassement du d?veloppement des PME dans le contexte de la RDC. Un d?veloppement qui facilitera la transition vers l'?re de l'entreprise capitaliste moderne. Emmanuel-Gustave Kintambu Mafukuest Professeur titulaire ?l'Universit? de Kinshasa et ? l'Universit? Kongo ? Mbanza-Ngungu. Il estle directeur du Centre de promotion de la petite et moyenne entreprise(CEPRO/PME) et le coordonnateur du Groupe National de Travail (GNT)sur la RDC.
A re-conceptualisation of the health question and approaches based on the questioning of dominant paradigms are therefore needed to confront the on-going health crisis and put Africa on track for development.
If Each One Of Us Would Be God? Is a hypothesis that rejects the logic of religious institutions with their ability to limit the evolution of human consciousness, since the reality of our existence within religions is defined as fixed. If each one of us would be God, we would return into the deepness of our absolute consciousness and be in contact with our true selves. This challenging statement awakens the conscious deadening of a Supreme human being, as the search for our spiritual identity has nothing to do with the collective degree that is dictated by religious rules, which creates dependency. It is a process of individualism that makes each one of us responsible for our own being. We can be in contact with God from the moment we become conscious of All and Nothing. As God is primarily All and Nothing (love and hate, good and evil), to be able to connect with All (Love), we must transform ourselves into All and Nothing and deepen our understanding on inner brightness and darkness, which pushes us to carry valuable moral judgements on our own acts. If Each One of Us Would Be God? courageously opens up the debate over Biblical statements. However, in order to fully understand the Bible?s dialectic, the duty of each one of us remains the deepest search of the fundamental truth of oneself to accomplish our spirituality.