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The paper broaches the issue of unfair trading practices (UTPs) at the expense of, economically spoken, weaker actors among the food supply chain in context of the EU. For illustrating the concept of UTPs and delivering a theoretical basis for scrutinizing the term of fairness in respective trading practices the paper suggests the three variables 1) bargaining power, 2) market power/anti competitive practices and 3) unequal gain distribution. Subsequently the article presents selected national food-specific legislative based reactions towards UTPs evolved in context of the three variables. Ultimately the paper presents a qualitatively generated hypothesis which presumes that legislative food-specific measurements focussing on protecting suppliers lead to a beneficial monetary share for farmers, by means of influencing the producer price to a monetarily advantageous extent. The hypothesis was generated unprejudiced in the run-up to the paper. The research design which led to the hypothesis mentioned will be presented.
Il saggio approfondisce l’opera di due artisti fondamentali degli ultimi decenni, ovvero Antoni Tàpies e Bill Viola. La loro produzione artistica riesce a sfuggire alla condanna che Th. W. Adorno fa di tutti quei movimenti che rimettono in questione il concetto di arte e la nozione di opera. Questi due artisti salvano lo statuto dell’arte nella società post-industriale, vale a dire in un momento in cui le trasformazioni profonde del sistema culturale rischiano di minacciare la sopravvivenza della creazione artistica, come se la razionalità estetica non potesse che abdicare davanti alla razionalità strumentale. Sono pochi i pittori che come Antoni Tàpies riescono a infondere alla materia inanimata un’irradiazione e una capacità di evocazione tanto intense, mentre per Bill Viola tutte le opere d’arte rappresentano cose invisibili e la stessa tecnologia digitale non è altro che una forma più pura per avvicinarsi a quelle realtà non fisiche e non visibili che stanno sotto alle cose visibili del mondo. La scommessa di Tàpies e Viola riguarda la sopravvivenza dell’arte nell’universo mercantile di una società sempre più amministrata e sottoposta agli imperativi economici; la loro produzione pare mirata a renderci consapevoli della nostra mortalità, offrendo immagini in grado di mettere in connessione la dimensione sensibile e quella spirituale, il visibile e l’invisibile, aprendo lo spazio a una trascendenza che sembrava completamente svanita.
This article examines Adorno’s non-identity thinking and the moral role of mimesis. On the one hand, Adorno criticises Kant’s moral theory, revealing the heteronomy of morality and the untruth of subjective freedom, on the other he defends the utopistic urge of the “transcendental”, moving from finitude and imperfection. Adorno opposes to the bourgeois personality neither a naïve return to nature, nor a getting rid of the subject, but the individual as differentiated coexistence of self and otherness, spirit and nature.
Il saggio si propone di approfondire due tendenze tipiche della musica contemporanea: la prima è il Minimalismo, movimento rappresentato da musicisti come La Monte Young, Philip Glass and Steve Reich, la seconda è la rave music (come la techno), caratteristica della popular culture nell’era postmoderna. Attraverso il pensiero di Adorno, e a partire dalla sua analisi dialettica del dualismo Schönberg-Stravinskij, il saggio propone una comprensione filosofica di concetti come “ripetizione” e “trascendenza”; l’assenza dello “sviluppo” in gran parte della produzione musicale degli ultimi decenni, nella popular music quanto nella musica colta, dimostra una dispersione del soggetto e dell’individuo, smarrito all’interno di un “eterno ritorno” della struttura ritmica che può essere ricompreso nei termini di un “eterno ritorno dell’identico” e non nei termini di un “eterno ritorno della possibilità”; in quest’ottica, a venire sacrificata è anche la dimensione della trascendenza, che non a caso viene ricercata spesso nell’esotismo dei culti orientali o nel consumo di sostanze stupefacenti. L’insistenza nel Minimalismo della ripetizione come unica ed estrema categoria di riferimento e norma estetica, produrrà infatti nel corso degli ultimi anni una dicotomia apparentemente contraddittoria, ma che invece esprime la medesima matrice logica: da un lato l’invasamento edonistico del beat elettronico della musica dance elettronica, dall’altro la proposta commerciale della produzione industriale della musica pop. Non è un caso che proprio il Minimalismo sia sfociato in entrambe queste due tendenze, mostrandosi come la cifra comune originaria, traducendosi nella musica rave o nella musica rock.
The concept of freedom as non-domination that is associated with neo-republican theory provides a guiding ideal in the global, not just the domestic arena, and does so even on the assumption that there will continue to be many distinct states. It argues for a world in which states do not dominate members of their own people and, considered as a corporate body, no people is dominated by other agencies: not by other states and not, for example, by any international agency or multi-national corporation. This ideal is not only attractive in the abstract, it also supports a concrete range of sensible, if often radical international policies.
The article aims to sharpen the neo-republican contribution to international political thought by challenging Pettit’s view that only representative states may raise a valid claim to non-domination in their external relations. The argument proceeds in two steps: First I show that, conceptually speaking, the domination of states, whether representative or not, implies dominating the collective people at least in its fundamental, constitutive power. Secondly, the domination of states – and thus of their peoples – cannot be justified normatively in the name of promoting individual non-domination because such a compensatory rationale misconceives the notion of domination in terms of a discrete exercise of power instead of as an ongoing power relation. This speaks in favour of a more inclusive law of peoples than Pettit (just as his liberal counterpart Rawls) envisages: In order to accommodate the claim of collective peoples to non-domination it has to recognize every state as a member of the international order.
Contemporary liberalism and republicanism present clearly distinct programs for domestic politics, but the same cannot be said when it comes to global politics: the burgeoning literature on global republicanism has reproduced the divide between cosmopolitan and associational views familiar from long-standing debates among liberal egalitarians. Should republicans be cosmopolitans? Despite presence of a range of views in the literature, there is an emerging consensus that the best answer is no. This paper aims to resist the emerging consensus, arguing that republicans should be cosmopolitans. The considerations offered against cosmopolitanism generally rest on an incomplete understanding of the relationship between economic inequality or poverty on the one hand, and domination on the other. Insofar as republicans agree that promoting freedom from domination should be our central political aim, they should regard the reduction of economic inequality and poverty at home and abroad as equally pressing.
Mapping a public discourse with the tools of computational text analysis comes with many contingencies in the areas of corpus curation, data processing and analysis, and visualisation. However, the complexity of algorithmic assemblies and the beauty of resulting images give the impression of ‘objectivity’. Instead of concealing uncertainties and artefacts in order to tell a coherent and all-encompassing story, retaining the variety of alternative assemblies may actually strengthen the method. By utilising the mobility of digital devices, we could create mutable mobiles that allow access to our laboratories and enable challenging rearrangements and interpretations.
It is widely thought that the international community, taken as a whole, is required to take action to prevent terrorism. Yet, what each state is required to do in this project is unclear and contested. This article examines a number of bases on which we might assign responsibilities to conduct counterterrorist operations to states. I argue that the ways in which other sorts of responsibilities have been assigned to states by political philosophers will face significant limitations when used to assign the necessary costs of preventing terrorism. I go on to suggest that appealing to the principle of fairness—which assigns obligations on the basis of benefits received from cooperative endeavours—may be used to make up the shortfall, despite this principle having received relatively little attention in existing normative accounts of states’ responsibilities.
Imperialism is the domination of one state by another. This paper sketches a nonrepublican account of domination that buttresses this definition of imperialism. It then defends the following claims. First, there is a useful and defensible distinction between colonial and liberal imperialism, which maps on to a distinction between what I will call coercive and liberal domination. Second, the main institutions of contemporary globalization, such as the WTO, the IMF, the World Bank, etc., are largely the instruments of liberal imperialism; they are a reincarnation of what Karl Kautsky once called ‘ultraimperialism’. Third, resistance to imperialism can no longer be founded on a fundamental right to national self-determination. Such a right is conditional upon and derivative of a more general right to resist domination.