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Una historia filosófica de la identidad estadounidense: Balance de propuestas y su crisis actual
(2018)
Este trabajo de síntesis crítica, realiza un balance de los principales aportes de pensamiento que han favorecido la configuración de la identidad estadounidense y su reformulación periódica. Se sistematizan las escuelas, según su transición de teólogos-políticos (como los puritanos, carismáticos y trascendentalistas, con aportes tipo pactismo bíblico, libre albedrío, caridad pietista, destino manifiesto, etc.), pasando por filósofos pragmáticos (como los constituyentes, democratizadores y reconstructores, con recursos como libre-pensamiento -free masonry & whigs-, federalismo, pragmatismo, etc.), hasta académicos socio culturales (sobre todo, de Estudios culturales, vía nociones de consenso, v.g. fronterismo, excepcionalismo y crisol cultural; así como artificios de hecho diferencial –a raíz de la fuga de cerebros de la Escuela de Frankfurt, Normale Annales, Birmingham, etc.-, con categorías de clase, status y conflicto social, metámeros etnoculturales, constructos de género, etc.). El estudio llega hasta la crisis actual, sin soluciones generalmente aceptadas y bajo la amenaza transoccidental.
Recently, many democracies have developed towards more citizens’ involvement in direct democracy or public deliberation. Are these developments linked to different types of democracy? Can public deliberation be mainly found in consensus democracies, whereas direct democracy prevails in majoritarian democracies? By analysing OECD countries around the year 2012, we examine these assumptions. The answer is surprisingly clear. The choice of a democracy to opt for direct democratic instruments or for public deliberation is neither dichotomous nor is it related to the respective pattern type of democracy. Based on these findings, a new typology with four participatory models of democracy is suggested.
Privilegierte männliche, hochmobile Finanzmanager sind nicht nur Teil abstrakter ortsübergreifender Netzwerke, sondern sie arbeiten an konkreten Arbeitsorten. Am Beispiel deutscher Finanzmanager in London und Singapur arbeite ich die Relevanz des lokalen Arbeitsortes für die Identitätsaufführungen der globalen Elite mit einer intersektionalen Perspektive heraus. Da die Performanz dieser Identitätsdimension als dynamischer Prozess verstanden wird – also als eine Dynamik, in der diese im Handeln alltäglich erzeugt und aufgeführt wird – werden die alltäglichen Aufführungen der Globalen Elite in ihrer Beziehung zu dem Arbeitsort, an dem die Aufführungen stattfinden, analysiert. Es wird deutlich, dass mit dem Ansatz der Intersektionalität auch privilegierte Identitätsdimensionen in den Blick genommen werden können. In Abhängigkeit vom Ort der Performanz differenziert sich die Identitätsdimension globale Elite und überschneidet sich in spezifischer Weise mit der Identitätsdimension des Weißseins.
The purpose of the text is to present an interpretation of Theodor Adorno’s critical reading of authors considered revisionists of Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, particularly Karen Horney. We discuss critically Adorno’s favorable positioning to the Freudian conception of the individual psychic nucleus in contrast to the hasty sociologization of psychoanalysis practiced by the revisionism of Karen Horney. In the final part we try to show how the Adornian perspective ends up by making, in his own way, the same mistake of a hasty sociologization of psychoanalysis he imputed to the revisionists and advocates an theoretical emphasis on the sociological realm that seems also problematic.
Este trabalho tenciona fazer uma análise a respeito das contribuições de Axel Honneth no que concerne às suas contribuições para o debate sobre teorias da justiça no contexto atual. Neste sentido, pode ser elencada como principal a tentativa de alcançar princípios normativos pautados na horizontalidade, ou seja, na própria realidade social. Para alcançar êxito nesta empreitada reflexivo-filosófica, parte-se de suas obras A textura da justiça: sobre os limites do procedimentalismo contemporâneo e O direito da Liberdade, nos quais se tem a questão relacionada à liberdade, sendo esta tomada como o princípio de maior valor na contemporaneidade. Daí, a liberdade direcionada ao aspecto social ser especificamente expressa nas instituições, bem como seu vínculo estar intrinsecamente ligado às relações sociais, de mercado e também ao universo político. Ao se pressupor a existência de um vazio entre os princípios normativos pertencentes à justiça e a realidade social, conforme considera o autor, fomenta-se, a partir deste estudo, notar as potencialidades, bem como os limites desta reconstrução normativa, conforme proposição teórica de Honneth.
Participatory policy making is a contested concept that can be understood in multiple ways. So how do those involved with participatory initiatives make sense of contrasting ideas of participation? What purposes and values do they associate with participatory governance? This paper reflects on a Q‐method study with a range of actors, from citizen activists to senior civil servants, involved with participatory initiatives in U.K. social policy. Using principal components analysis, supplemented with data from qualitative interviews, it identifies three shared participation preferences: participation as collective decision making, participation as knowledge transfer, and participation as agonism. These preferences demonstrate significant disagreements between the key informants, particularly concerning the objectives of participation, how much power should be afforded to the public, and what motivates people to participate. Their contrasting normative orientations are used to highlight how participatory governance theory and practice frequently fails to take seriously legitimate diversity in procedural preferences. Moreover, it is argued that, despite the diversity of preferences, there is a lack of imagination about how participation can function when social relations are conflictual.
While global justice theorists heatedly discuss the responsibilities of the affluent and powerful, those states which can legitimately be seen as victims of global injustice have seldom, if ever, been considered as duty bearers to whom responsibilities can be attached. However, recognising agents whose options are constrained not only as victims, but also as duty bearers is necessary as a proof of respect for their agency and indispensable to mobilise the type of action required to alter global injustices. In this article, I explore what responsibilities state officials of dominated states have. I argue that they have the responsibility to resist domination in the name of the dominated states members. While under particular circumstances this responsibility gives rise to a duty to engage in acts of state civil disobedience, under other circumstances state officials of dominated states ought to resist domination in an internal, attitudinal way by recognising themselves as outcome responsible agents.
Fair Trade is under fire. Some critics argue, for instance, that there is no obligation to purchase Fair Trade certified products and that doing so may even be counter-productive. Others worry that well-justified conceptions of what makes trade fair can conflict. Yet others suggest that the common arguments for Fair Trade cannot justify purchasing Fair Trade certified goods, in particular. This paper starts by sketching one common argument for Fair Trade and defends it against this last line of criticism. In particular, it argues that we should purchase Fair Trade certified goods because doing so benefits the poor even though there are other ways to alleviate poverty. It then considers how other common arguments for Fair Trade fare in light of similar criticism and concludes that they may well succeed.
There are longstanding calls for international organizations (IOs) to be more inclusive of the voices and interests of people whose lives they affect. There is nevertheless widespread disagreement among practitioners and political theorists over who ought to be included in IO decision-making and by what means. This paper focuses on the inclusion of IOs’ ‘intended beneficiaries,’ both in principle and practice. It argues that IOs’ intended beneficiaries have particularly strong normative claims for inclusion because IOs can affect their vital interests and their political agency. It then examines how these claims to inclusion might be feasibly addressed. The paper proposes a model of inclusion via representation and communication, or ‘mediated inclusion.’ An examination of existing practices in global governance reveals significant opportunities for the mediated inclusion of IOs’ intended beneficiaries, as well as pervasive obstacles. The paper concludes that the inclusion of intended beneficiaries by IOs is both appropriate and feasible.