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Zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts scheint auch in Deutschland politische Bewegung in die Arbeitsmarktpolitik gekommen zu sein. Angesichts von in der Spitze über 5 Millionen offiziellen Arbeitslosen und immer deutlicher zu Tage tretender Defizite bei der (damaligen) Bundesanstalt für Arbeit war ein „weiter so“ nicht mehr vermittelbar. Es bestand die Hoffnung, dass die über 5-jährige Tradition aktionistischer, erfolgloser, ja sogar problemverschärfender bundesdeutscher Arbeitsmarktpolitik endlich zu Ende gehen würde. Prinzipien wie „Fördern und Fordern“ wurden erstmals von beiden großen Volksparteien nicht nur ablehnend diskutiert, sondern als Grundvoraussetzung für eine zukunftsfähige Beschäftigungspolitik erkannt. Mit ihrer „Agenda 2010“ und den „Hartz-Reformen“ versuchte die rot-grüne Bundesregierung, das Bild eines tiefgreifenden Umbaus der deutschen Arbeitsmarktpolitik hin zu mehr Effizienz und weniger Arbeitslosigkeit zu vermitteln. Doch hat eine grundlegende Reform der Arbeitsmarktpolitik wirklich stattgefunden? Dieser Frage gehen die beiden Autoren der vorliegenden Studie, Norbert Berthold und Sascha von Berchem, nach. Sie zeigen auf, wie über Jahrzehnte hinweg von den jeweiligen Regierungen und den sie tragenden Parteien eine völlig verfehlte Arbeitsmarktpolitik verfolgt wurde. Das Ergebnis der Analyse, ob bei den jüngsten Reformen diesbezüglich Lernerfolge zu erkennen sind, ernüchtert: Nach wie vor kann die deutsche Arbeitsmarktpolitik keinen echten Beitrag zum Abbau der Arbeitslosigkeit leisten. In vielen Bereichen blieben die Reformschritte ein bloßes Kratzen an der Oberfläche. Hinzu kommt, dass vormals bestehende institutionelle Defizite durch neue ersetzt wurden, z.B. bei der Zusammenlegung von Arbeitslosenhilfe und Sozialhilfe. All dem stellen die Autoren ein Reformkonzept entgegen, das konsequent versucht, Marktkräfte und Wettbewerb zum Abbau der Arbeitslosigkeit zu nutzen. Kernpunkt ist ein dezentraler Ansatz, der die Erprobung und Realisierung unterschiedlicher, an die jeweiligen Gegebenheiten angepassten Strategien zulässt. Es bleibt zu hoffen, dass die Politik die Zeichen der Zeit erkennt. Ohne mutige Schritte bleiben die begonnenen Reformen ein Torso. Deutschland braucht nicht die Verwaltung des Elends auf immer höherem administrativen Niveau. Unserem Land helfen genauso wenig immer neue „Pilotprojekte“ und Wortgeklingel wie „Job-Floater“, „Ich- AG“, „Job-Aqtiv“ und „Equal Pay“. Was wir brauchen, sind ein ordnungspolitisch fundiertes Konzept, mehr Freiheit und mehr Wettbewerb. Mit einem Arbeits„markt“, der seinen Namen verdient, werden wir wieder mehr Wohlstand für alle schaffen können. Michael Eilfort Bernd Raffelhüschen
American households have received a triple dose of bad news since the beginning of the current recession: The greatest collapse in asset values since the Great Depression, a sharp tightening in credit availability, and a large increase in unemployment risk. We present measures of the size of these shocks and discuss what a benchmark theory says about their immediate and ultimate consequences. We then provide a forecast based on a simple empirical model that captures the effects of wealth shocks and unemployment fears. Our short-term forecast calls for somewhat weaker spending, and somewhat higher saving rates, than the Consensus survey of macroeconomic forecasters. Over the longer term, our best guess is that the personal saving rate will eventually approach the levels that preceded period of financial liberalization that began in the late 1970s. Classification: C61, D11, E24
This paper analyzes empirically the distribution of unemployment durations in West- Germany before and after the changes during the mid 1980s in the maximum entitlement periods for unemployment benefits for elderly unemployed. The analysis is based on the comprehensive IAB employment subsample containing register panel data for about 500.000 individuals in West Germany. We analyze two proxies for unemployment since the data do not precisely measure unemployment in an economic sense. We provide a theoretical analysis of the link between the durations of nonemployment and of unemployment between jobs. Our empirical analysis finds significant changes in the distributions of nonemployment durations for older unemployed individuals. At the same time, the distribution of unemployment durations between jobs did not change in response to the reforms. Our findings are consistent with an interpretation that many firms and workers used the more bene cial laws as a part of early retirement packages but those workers who were still looking for a job did not reduce their search effort in response to the extension of the maximum entitlement periods. This interpretation is consistent with our theoretical model under plausible assumptions. JEL: C24, J64, J65
This dissertation contains five independent chapters dealing with wage dispersion and unemployment. The first chapter deals with the explanation of international changes in wage inequality and unemployment in the 80s and 90s. Both theoretically and empirically, social benefits and its link to average income are blamed for the different experiences across countries. The second chapter discusses the search framework, to explain residual wage inequality and finds that institutional wage compression has ambiguous effects on employment. In the third chapter, we apply the theory to German data. We show that job-to-job transitions are important in explaining both frictions and career advances. In the fourth chapter, we empirically assess the relationship between wage dispersion and unemployment for homogeneous workers. We find that neither a frictional nor a neo-classical view in explaining this relationship are convincing. Unemployment within cells is not negatively correlated with wage dispersion. Finally, the last chapter builds a theoretical model which treats heterogeneous individuals in a production function framework and a frictional labor market. The model generates both wage dispersion within and between skill groups and both frictional and structural unemployment. In sum, the dissertation stresses the importance of modelling frictions to understand different types of wage inequality and unemployment.
A number of authors have recently emphasized that the conventional model of unemployment dynamics due to Mortensen and Pissarides has difficulty accounting for the relatively volatile behavior of labor market activity over the business cycle. We address this issue by modifying the MP framework to allow for staggered multiperiod wage contracting. What emerges is a tractable relation for wage dynamics that is a natural generalization of the period-by-period Nash bargaining outcome in the conventional formulation. An interesting side-product is the emergence of spillover effects of average wages on the bargaining process. We then show that a reasonable calibration of the model can account well for the cyclical behavior of wages and labor market activity observed in the data. The spillover effects turn out to be important in this respect. JEL Classification: E32, E50, J64
As inflation rates in the United States decline, analysts are asking if there are economic reasons to hold the rates at levels above zero. Previous studies of whether inflation "greases the wheels" of the labor market ignore inflation's potential for disrupting wage patterns in the same market. This paper outlines an institutionally-based model of wage-setting that allows the benefits of inflation (downward wage flexibility) to be separated from disruptive uncertainty about inflation rate (undue variation in relative prices). Our estimates, using a unique 40-year panel of wage changes made by large mid-western employers, suggest that low rates of inflation do help the economy to adjust to changes in labor supply and demand. However, when inflation's disruptive effects are balanced against this benefit the labor market justification for pursuing a positive long-term inflation goal effectively disappears.
Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier untersucht Ungleichheit aus verschiedenen interdisziplinären Perspektiven auf Ursachen und Implikationen.
Inhaltsverzeichnis:
Philipp Harms, Claudia Landwehr, Mario Scharfbillig, Daniel Schunk: Ungleichheit: Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven auf Ursachen und Implikationen - Einleitung
Konstantin M. Wacker: Warum wir Ungleichheit verringern müssen, um globale Armut bis 2030 zu beenden
Joachim Klose: Heimatverlust als Indikator zunehmender Ungleichheit
Gunnar Otte: Bildungsforschung und Bildungsreformen
Sibylle Kalmbach: Bildungsgerechtigkeit und Ungleichheit im Hochschulbereich – am Beispiel von Stipendien
Claudia Landwehr und Oliver Tüscher: Ursachen ungleicher politischer Beteiligung
Michael Edinger: Gleicher Zugang zur Macht? Über soziale Schließungsprozesse in der Politik
Sascha Huber: Wählermobilisierung und Ungleichheit in Deutschland: Ein Feldexperiment zur Steigerung der Wahlbeteiligung bei der Landtagswahl in Baden-Württemberg 2016
Tonio Rieger: Der ganzheitliche Ansatz zur Bekämpfung von Langzeitarbeitslosigkeit
All-over in Europe, unemployment became a growing problem from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s. Nevertheless, the effects on the economical situation of the unemployed and the whole population are quite different in European countries. In this paper we first give a brief overview over the development of unemployment rates in eight member states of the European Union and over the different reactions to provide the social protection of the unemployed. Therefore we look at the social security expenditures, the level of income replacement for the unemployed and recent social policy reforms concerning them. In the second section of the paper, we examine the development of income distribution and poverty taking different poverty lines into consideration. There is no general pattern neither for the relationship of inequality among the unemployed to the whole economically active population nor for the development from the 80s to the 90s. But one can say that in countries with increasing income inequality also poverty is rising (especially in the UK) and that where inequality among the unemployed is less pronounced the proportions of the poor went down from the mid 80s to the mid 90s (France and Ireland). In nearly all countries the risk of being poor is ernormously high for the unemployed, Denmark is the only exception.
"People are border-crossers who make daily transitions between two worlds – the world of work and the world of family" (Campbell Clark 2000: 748). Diese Feststellung von Campbell Clark hebt die Vereinbarkeitsproblematik von Beruf und Familie im Leben von Männern und Frauen hervor, die oft unbemerkt, aber unzählige Male im Alltag auftritt. Familie und Beruf sind die zentralen Lebensbereiche von Frauen und Männern in der heutigen europäischen Gesellschaft. Diese zwei Bereiche stehen in einer wechselseitigen, aber nicht gleichgewichtigen Beziehung. Im Folgenden wird diese Problematik detailliert aufgegriffen und mit zukunftsfähigen Handlungsempfehlungen verbunden. Wir beginnen mit einem kurzen historischen Überblick zu Familie und Beruf in Europa.
This paper fits within a broader research programme concerned with the processes that link labour market precarity and social exclusion. Labour market insecurity manifests itself most directly in the form of unemployment, and other elements in the programme seek to measure the impact of precarity, and unemployment in particular, on poverty and social exclusion in the eight countries covered. One of the principal concerns of the programme is however the extent to which institutional differences across countries with respect to the labour market and social protection are a significant factor mediating the relationship between labour market precarity and social exclusion. This paper focuses on the effectiveness of cash transfers, the central element of social protection systems, in alleviating the effects of unemployment on income poverty. The structures of social protection systems vary greatly across European Union member states, and in many cases have altered significantly in recent years in response to high unemployment (see Hauser et al, 1998). Using data from the mid-1980s and the mid-1990s for six member countries, the paper compares the effectiveness of different systems in lifting or keeping the unemployed out of poverty, and how this has been affected by the way systems have responded to the challenges produced by developments in the labour market in the past decade. The specific role of social insurance-based unemployment-linked transfers versus other cash transfers is also considered, to assess the extent to which social insurance has been able to cope with changes in the labour market over the period. The data come from a variety of national large-scale household surveys. The paper is structured as follows. Section 2 discusses the data and methods to be employed in measuring the impact of cash transfers on poverty risks for the unemployed. Section 3 looks at the overall risks of poverty for the unemployed before and after cash transfers, and how these changed between the mid-1980s and mid-1990s. Section 4 looks at the role of social insurance-based unemployment payments versus other cash transfers. Section 5 examines the extent to which the impact of transfers varies by gender and by duration of unemployment. Section 6 highlights the key patterns identified and what these tell us about the relationship between the type of welfare regime a country operates and effectiveness in alleviating poverty among the unemployed.