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Complex focus versus double focus : investigations on multiple focus interpretations in Hungarian
(2006)
The main aim of this paper is to point out several problems with the semantic analysis of Hungarian focus interpretation and 'only'. For current semantic analyses the interpretation of Hungarian identificational/exhaustive focus and 'only' is problematic, since in classical semantic analyses 'only' is identified with an exhaustivity operator. In this paper I will discuss multiple focus constructions and question-answer pairs in Hungarian to show that such a view cannot be applied to Hungarian exhaustive focus. Next to this I will discuss possible interpretations of Hungarian sentences containing multiple prosodic foci: complex focus versus double focus. My claim is that in order to interpret multiple focus (in Hungarian) we have to take into consideration the different intonation patterns, the occurrence of 'only', and the syntactic structure as well.
Dog after dog revisited
(2006)
This paper presents a compositional semantic analysis of pluractional adverbial modifiers like 'dog after dog' and 'one dog after the other'. We propose a division of labour according to which much of the semantics is carried by a family of plural operators. The adverbial itself contributes a semantics that we call pseudoreciprocal.
The paper investigates the interpretation of the Romanian subjunctive B (subjB) mood when it is embedded under the propositional attitude verb crede (believe). SubjB is analyzed as a single package of three distinct presuppositions: temporal de se, dissociation and propositional de se. I show that subjB is the temporal analogue of null PRO in the individual domain: it allows only for a de se reading. Dissociation enables us to show that subjB always takes scope over a negation embedded in a belief report. Propositional de se derives this empirical generalization. The introduction of centered propositions (generalizing centered worlds), together with propositional de se, dissociation and the belief 'introspection' principles, derives the fact that subjB belief reports (unlike their indicative counterparts) are infelicitous with embedded probabil.
Fronting a noun phrase changes the focus structure of a sentence. Therefore, it may affect truth conditions, since some operators, in particular quantificational adverbs, are sensitive to focus. However, the position of the quantificational adverb itself, hence its informational status, is usually assumed not to have any semantic effect. In this paper I discuss a reading of some quantificational adverbs, the relative reading, which disappears if the adverb is fronted. I propose that this reading relies not only on focus, but on B-accent (fall-rise intonation) as well. A fronted Q-adverb is usually pronounced with a B-accent; since only one element can be B-accented, this means that the scope of the adverb contains no B-accented material, hence no relative readings. Thus, the effects of fronting range more widely than is usually assumed, and quantificational adverbs are a useful tool with which to investigate these effects.
Mention some of all
(2006)
In the interpretation of natural language one may distinguish three types of dynamics: there are the acts or moves that are made; there are structural relations between subsequent moves; and interlocutors reason about the beliefs and intentions of the participants in a particular language game. Building on some of the formalisms developed to account for the first two types of dynamics, I will generalize and formalize Gricean insights into the third type, and show by means of a case study that such a formalization allows a direct account of an apparent ambiguity: the ‘exhaustive’ versus the ‘mention some’ interpretation of questions and their answers. While the principles which I sketch, like those of Grice, are motivated by assumptions of rationality and cooperativity, they do not presuppose these assumptions to be always warranted.
Russian and Spanish each have two variants of the predicational copular sentence. In Russian, the variation concerns the case of the predicate phrase, which can be nominative or instrumental, while in Spanish, the variation involves the choice of the copular verb, either ser or estar. It is shown that the choice of the particular variant of copular sentence in both languages depends on the speaker’s perspective, i.e., on whether or not the predication is linked to a specific topic situation.
In a recent contribution to a long-standing discussion in semantics as to whether the neo-Davidsonian analysis should be extended to stative predicates or not, Maienborn (2004, 2005) proposes to distinguish two types of statives; one of them is said to have a referential argument of the Davidsonian type, the other not. As one of her arguments for making such a distinction, Maienborn observes that manner modification seems to be supported only by certain statives but to be excluded by others (thus linking the issue to the use of manner modification as one major argument in favour of event semantics, cf. Parsons 1990). In this paper, it is argued that the absence of manner modification with Maienborn's second group of statives is actually due to a failure of conceptual construal: modification of a predicate is ruled out whenever its internal conceptual structure is too poor to provide a construal for the modifier; hence, the effects observed by Maienborn reduce to the fact that eventive predicates have a more complex conceptual substructure than stative ones. Hence, the issue of manner modification with statives is shown to be orthogonal to questions of logical form and event semantics. The explanatory power of the conceptual approach is demonstrated with a case study on predicates of light emission, adapting the representation format of Barsalou's (1992) frame model.
This paper proposes a new strategy for accounting for the narrow scope readings of quantificational contrastive topics in Hungarian, which is based on a consideration of the types of questions that declaratives with such contrastive topics can be uttered as partial or complete congruent answers to. The meaning of the declaratives with contrastive topics will be represented with the help of the structured meaning approach to matching questions proposed in Krifka 2002.
Relational data exchange deals with translating relational data according to a given specification. This problem is one of the many tasks that arise in data integration, for example, in data restructuring, in ETL (Extract-Transform-Load) processes used for updating data warehouses, or in data exchange between different, possibly independently created, applications. Systems for relational data exchange exist for several decades now. Motivated by their experiences with one of those systems, Fagin, Kolaitis, Miller, and Popa (2003) studied fundamental and algorithmic issues arising in relational data exchange. One of these issues is how to answer queries that are posed against the target schema (i.e., against the result of the data exchange) so that the answers are consistent with the source data. For monotonic queries, the certain answers semantics proposed by Fagin, Kolaitis, Miller, and Popa (2003) is appropriate. For many non-monotonic queries, however, the certain answers semantics was shown to yield counter-intuitive results. This thesis deals with computing the certain answers for monotonic queries on the one hand, and on the other hand, it deals with the issue of which semantics are appropriate for answering non-monotonic queries, and how hard it is to evaluate non-monotonic queries under these semantics. As shown by Fagin, Kolaitis, Miller, and Popa (2003), computing the certain answers for unions of conjunctive queries - a subclass of the monotonic queries - basically reduces to computing universal solutions, provided the data transformation is specified by a set of tgds (tuple-generating dependencies) and egds (equality-generating dependencies). If M is such a specification and S is a source database, then T is called a solution for S under M if T is a possible result of translating S according to M. Intuitively, universal solutions are most general solutions. Since the above-mentioned work by Fagin, Kolaitis, Miller, and Popa it was unknown whether it is decidable if a source database has a universal solution under a given data exchange specification. In this thesis, we show that this problem is undecidable. More precisely, we construct a specification M that consists of tgds only so that it is undecidable whether a given source database has a universal solution under M. From the proof it also follows that it is undecidable whether the chase procedure - by which universal models can be obtained - terminates on a given source database and the set of tgds in M. The above results in particular strengthen results of Deutsch, Nash, and Remmel (2008). Concerning the issue of which semantics are appropriate for answering non-monotonic queries, we study several semantics for answering such queries. All of these semantics are based on the closed world assumption (CWA). First, the CWA-semantics of Libkin (2006) are extended so that they can be applied to specifications consisting of tgds and egds. The key is to extend the concept of CWA-solution, on which the CWA-semantics are based. CWA-solutions are characterized as universal solutions that are derivable from the source database using a suitably controlled version of the chase procedure. In particular, if CWA-solutions exist, then there is a minimal CWA-solution that is unique up to isomorphism: the core of the universal solutions introduced by Fagin, Kolaitis, and Popa (2003). We show that evaluation of a query under some of the CWA-semantics reduces to computing the certain answers to the query on the minimal CWA-solution. The CWA-semantics resolve some the known problems with answering non-monotonic queries. There are, however, two natural properties that are not possessed by the CWA-semantics. On the one hand, queries may be answered differently with respect to data exchange specifications that are logically equivalent. On the other hand, there are queries whose answer under the CWA-semantics intuitively contradicts the information derivable from the source database and the data exchange specification. To find an alternative semantics, we first test several CWA-based semantics from the area of deductive databases for their suitability regarding non-monotonic query answering in relational data exchange. More precisely, we focus on the CWA-semantics by Reiter (1978), the GCWA-semantics (Minker 1982), the EGCWA-semantics (Yahya, Henschen 1985) and the PWS-semantics (Chan 1993). It turns out that these semantics are either too weak or too strong, or do not possess the desired properties. Finally, based on the GCWA-semantics we develop the GCWA*-semantics which intuitively possesses the desired properties. For monotonic queries, some of the CWA-semantics as well as the GCWA*-semantics coincide with the certain answers semantics, that is, results obtained for the certain answers semantics carry over to those semantics. When studying the complexity of evaluating non-monotonic queries under the above-mentioned semantics, we focus on the data complexity, that is, the complexity when the data exchange specification and the query are fixed. We show that in many cases, evaluating non-monotonic queries is hard: co-NP- or NP-complete, or even undecidable. For example, evaluating conjunctive queries with at least one negative literal under simple specifications may be co-NP-hard. Notice, however, that this result only says that there is such a query and such a specification for which the problem is hard, but not that the problem is hard for all such queries and specifications. On the other hand, we identify a broad class of queries - the class of universal queries - which can be evaluated in polynomial time under the GCWA*-semantics, provided the data exchange specification is suitably restricted. More precisely, we show that universal queries can be evaluated on the core of the universal solutions, independent of the source database and the specification.
How the left-periphery of a wh-relative clause determines its syntactic and semantic relationships
(2004)
This paper discusses a certain class of German relative clauses which are characterized by a wh-expression overtly realized at the left periphery of the clause. While investigating empirical and theoretical issues regarding this class of relatives, it argues that a wh-relative clause relates syntactically to a functionally complete sentential projection and semantically to entities of various kinds that are abstracted from the matrix clause. What is shown is that this grammatical behaviour clearly can be attributed to the properties of the elements positioned at the left of a wh-relative clause. Finally, a lexically-based analysis couched in the framework of HPSG is given that accounts for the data presented.