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The revolution will be tweeted : how the internet can stimulate the public exercise of freedoms
(2012)
This article discusses how new technologies of communication, especially the Internet and, more specifically, social network services, can interfere in social interactions and in political relations. The main objective is to problematize the concept of public liberty and verify how the new technologies can promote the reoccupation of public spaces and the recovery of public life, in opposition to the tendency to valorize the private sphere, observed in the second half of the twentieth century. The theoretical benchmark adopted for the investigation is Hannah Arendt's theory about the exercise of fundamental political capacities in order to establish a public space of freedom, as presented in “On Revolution”. The “Praia da Estação” (“Station Beach”) case is chosen to test the hypothesis. In 2010 in the Brazilian city of Belo Horizonte, different individuals articulated a movement through blogs, Twitter and facebook, in order to protest against the Mayor’s act that banned the assembling of cultural events in one of the main public places of the city, the “Praça da Estação” (Station Square). By applying Arendt's concepts to the selected case, it is possible to demonstrate that the Internet can assume an important role against governmental arbitrariness and abuse of power, as it can stimulate the public exercise of fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of assembly and manifestation.
Das Internet ist nicht nur ein Medium, das neue Kommunikationsformen ermöglicht, es ist selbst auch das Produkt eines verstärkten Bedarfs, Wunsches und Drangs nach Kommunikation. Beim Internet handelt es sich um ein hybrides Konstrukt, das auf drei Säulen aufruht: 1. eine neue Ordnung von Daten/ Informationen (Stichwort: Hypertext; Beispiel: Suchmaschinen wie Google), 2. die Entwicklung neuer Formen von Interaktion (Stichwort: neue Kommunikationsplattformen, Beispiele: MySpace, Facebook), 3. die globale Ausweitung der Zugangsformen (Stichwort: erschwingliche Computer und handheld devices, Vervielfältigung der Server, Knoten, Terminals). Diese drei Aspekte des Internets sind das Ergebnis zunächst eigenständiger technologischer Erfindungen und Entwicklungen, die dann miteinander fusioniert wurden. "Es ist an der Zeit, die digitale Revolution, die mehr ist als das Web 2.0, in ihrer ganzen Wucht zu erkennen", schrieb Frank Schirrmacher in der FAZ. Ich werde mich in diese grundsätzliche Debatte über das Internet und die anthropologischen und politischen Konsequenzen der neuen Datenordnung hier jedoch nicht einschalten, die derzeit von Meinungsmachern wie Frank Schirrmacher, Stephen Baker und Sascha Lobo geführt wird, sondern mich nur auf die zweite Säule, die Neugestaltung der Kommunikation durch das Web 2.0 konzentrieren.
Although there are many dialect speakers in Bavaria, the dialect - mainly because of its non-standardized spelling - is usually not used in common print media or on nationwide television. Nevertheless, the Bavarian dialect appears on Bavarian television (BR) and in cinema films. However, the Bavarian used on television or in films is frequently not a genuine dialect; instead it is a synthetic language which resembles the German standard and merely refers to the dialect. This is mainly due to the needs of non-dialect speakers, who would definitely have comprehension problems with the genuine dialect. Furthermore, the Bavarian dialect is often used on online platforms, such as Facebook or YouTube. In these conversational situations, face-to-face communication is replaced by written texts. In the case of dialect speakers, these texts can appear as written dialect; due to the non-standardized spelling, the texts are strongly individualized.
Markus Beckedahl bloggt auf netzpolitik.org über den politischen Umgang mit dem Internet und über die Änderungen, die Politik durch das Internet erfährt. Ich sprach mit ihm über Teilmengen von Sicherheits- und Netzpolitik, über die Art des Umgangs mit neuen Technologien in Deutschland und über Drohnen. Das Schluss-Statement thematisiert Cyber War, als Begriff, militärische Strategie und Zukunftsprognose. Das Interview führte Andrea Jonjic.
Ob ACTA, WikiLeaks, Anonymous, arabischer Frühling, ePetitionen oder PRISM: Das Internet tritt zunehmend in den Fokus internationaler Politik, als Form politischer Partizipation, als Medium des Protests oder als Mittel zur Überwachung. Was sind die Folgen dieser Entwicklung? Wo liegen die Gefahren, wo die Chancen? Das haben Janusz Biene und Tim Rühlig den Politikwissenschaftler Thorsten Thiel gefragt.
On the one side there is book culture, centered on the printed book as a material object; on the other digital culture, centered on what is displayed on a screen, by now more often than not that of a mobile phone. In the cultural imaginary, the two practices are separated by far more than just media technology. The girl in Delevingne's picture, in choosing to read a book rather than participate in the social media arena, opts (as the black-and-white blocking of the caption neatly reflects) for a commendable type of media use: She sharpens her intellect and exercises her imagination, she digs deep rather than staying on the surface, and she engages – in a seemingly disinterested manner – with valuable content rather than obsessing over how to present herself in the best light. Her absorption is a badge of honor, much different from the 'bad' absorption of digital media users, a recurring trope that is artistically represented, for example, in the much-acclaimed surrealist photo series "SURFAKE" by the French photographer Antoine Geiger, which represents mobile phone users whose faces are sucked into their devices.
This paper aims to assess the arguments that claim representative democracy may be enhanced or replaced by an updated electronic version. Focusing on the dimension of elections and electioneering as the core mechanism of representative democracy I will discuss: (1) the proximity argument used to claim the necessity of filling the gap between decision-makers and stakeholders; (2) the transparency argument, which claims to remove obstacles to the publicity of power; (3) the bottom-up argument, which calls for a new form of legitimacy that goes beyond classical mediation of parties or unions; (4) the public sphere argument, referred to the problem of hierarchical relation between voters and their representatives; (5) the disintermediation argument, used to describe the (supposed) new form of democracy following the massive use of ICTs. The first way of conceptualizing e-democracy as different from mainstream 20th century representative democracy regimes is to imagine it as a new form direct democracy: this conception is often underlying contemporary studies of e-voting. To avoid some of the ingenuousness of this conception of e-democracy, we should take a step back and consider a broader range of issues than mere gerrymandering around the electoral moment. Therefore I shall problematize the abovementioned approach by analyzing a wider range of problems connected to election and electioneering in their relation with ICTs.
Webschau April 2011
(2011)
Das alljährliche Großereignis in der deutschen Internet-Welt ist die re:publica. Wir berichten unten über das Echo auf die Berliner Konferenz. Zu den für #pb21 interessanten Inhalten wird es eine Extra-Ausgabe der Webschau geben.
Eine der wohl wichtigsten Nachrichten von der diesjährigen re:publica ist, dass eine Bürgerrechtsorganisation für das Netz gegründet wurde. Der "Spiegel" findet, dass es höchste Zeit dafür ist: Mehrere spiegelonline-Autoren formulieren Forderungen an die Initiative "Digitale Gesellschaft". Doch es gibt auch deutliche Kritik. Mehr dazu am Ende dieser Webschau.