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Теорія напівосвіти Адорно була вперше представлена як доповідь на З’їзді німецьких соціологів (1959). В ній розглядаються тенденції, що відбуваються у сучасній освіті і обумовлюють її кризу, яка загострюється у соціокультурних контекстах пізнього капіталізму. Теорія напівосвіти переосмислює і актуалізує концептуалізації освіти та культури у німецькій класичній філософії, марксизмі і фройдизмі, розкриваючи діалектику просвітництва через діагностику спотворень і деформацій освіти в опціях відчуженого духа, що криє у собі небезпеку ліквідації культури, яка перетворюється на масову, і руйнації людського буття через інструменталізацію свідомості та примусову адаптацію. Напівосвіта паразитує на ідеї освіти, яка є внутрішньо суперечливою через поєднання настанов на автономію та адаптацію. Подолання цієї суперечності можливе через негативну діалектику, яка комплементарно поєднує критику суспільства і критику освіти, відкриваючи для них нові горизонти
Este trabalho pretende fazer uma síntese da inserção de Axel Honneth no quadro das teorias da justiça. Para isso, se apresenta o debate entre comunitaristas e liberais, juntamente ao procedimentalismo contemporâneo, e as críticas de Honneth a essas posições. Assim o trabalho apresenta o esboço teórico de justiça como reconhecimento em Honneth, realizado com base no conceito de eticidade formal e no método da reconstrução normativa.
Trata de uma investigação teórica que problematiza os contornos de uma pedagogia crítica na atualidade. Adota a perspectiva do filósofo Axel Honneth como fio condutor da análise, especificamente os textos em que ele discute as características contemporâneas de uma teoria adjetivada de crítica. Após descrever seu posicionamento, extrai alguns sentidos para o empreendimento crítico no âmbito de uma pedagogia da educação física.
A política de identidade e o conceito de reconhecimento têm se transformado em questões dominantes da teoria política contemporânea. Como conceito, o reconhecimento significa que um indivíduo ou grupo social reivindica o direito a ter sua identidade reconhecida, de forma direta ou através da mediação de um conjunto de instituições. As teorias que tem problematizado estas questões abordam tanto temas teóricos importantes como questões políticas centrais do nosso tempo, como a definição de direitos das minorias, reivindicações de autodeterminação nacional ou os desafios colocados por nossas sociedades cada dia mais multiculturais. Dessa forma, o objetivo central do presente artigo é apresentar e discutir os argumentos centrais de Charles Taylor, Axel Honneth e Nancy Fraser que têm se transformando em essenciais para esta discussão, enfatizando o debate em torno da relação entre reconhecimento e redistribuição, e mais especificamente entre o problema da injustiça baseada na questão da identidade e o problema da injustiça econômica. Por último, tentaremos entender algumas das implicações teóricas e políticas do discurso da diferença e das teorias do reconhecimento dentro de uma perspectiva conceptual mais ampla.
nvestor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) is an arbitration mechanism to settle disputes between foreign investors and host-states. Seemingly a technical issue in private international law, ISDS procedures have recently become a matter of public concern and the target of political resistance, due to the power they grant to foreign investors in matters of public policies in the countries they invest in. This article examines the practice of ISDS through the lenses of liberal-statist theories of international justice, which value self-determination. It argues that the investor-state arbitration system illustrates how liberal-statist theories of international distributive justice ought to care about relative socioeconomic disadvantage, contra the sufficiency principle that they typically defend. The sufficiency principle draws on a questionable conception of the freedom that self-determination consists in.
From reparations for slavery to international racial justice: a critical republican perspective
(2017)
This paper focuses on demands for reparations for colonial slavery and their public reception in France. It argues that this bottom-up, context-sensitive approach to theorising reparations enables us to formulate a critical republican theory of international racial justice. It contrasts the critical republican perspective on reparations with a nation-state centred approach in which reparations activists are accused of threatening the French republic’s sense of homogeneity and unity, thus undermining the national narrative on the French identity. It also rejects the liberal egalitarian perspective, which itself rejects reparations in favour of focusing on present disadvantages. In so doing, this paper illustrates how the notion of non-domination offers a superior way of conceptualising global racial injustices compared to more traditional distributive outlooks.
Many theories of global distributive justice are based on the assumption that all humans hold common ownership of the earth. As the earth is finite and our actions interconnect, we need a system of justice that regulates the potential appropriation of the common earth to ensure fairness. According to these theories, imposing limits and distributive obligations on private and public property arrangements may be the best mechanism for governing common ownership. We present a critique of the assumption that this issue can be solved within the private–public property regime, arguing that the boundaries of this regime should not be taken for granted and that the growing literature on the democratic commons movement suggests how this can be accomplished. We consider that, if the earth is defined as a common, the private– public property paradigm must be open to questioning, and democratic commoners’ activities should be considered.
Megaregional trade negotiations have become the subject of heated debate, above all in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In this article, I argue that the justice of the global order suffers from its institutional fragmentation into regime complexes. From a republican perspective, which aspires to non-domination as a guiding principles and idea of global justice, regime complexes raise specific and important challenges in that they open the door to specific forms of domination. I thereby challenge a more optimistic outlook in regime complexes, which paints a positive normative picture of regime complexes, arguing that they enable the enhancement of democracy beyond the state and, consequently, have the potential to reduce the democratic deficit in global governance. By drawing attention to how regime complexes reinforce domination-related injustice, this article contributes an original perspective on megaregionals and to exploring the implications of global justice as non-domination.
The paper addresses the problem of justifying ethically sound dimensions of poverty or well-being for use in a multidimensional framework. We combine Sen’s capability approach and Rawls’ method of political constructivism and argue that the constitution and its interpretative practice can serve as an ethically suitable informational basis for selecting dimensions, under certain conditions. We illustrate our Constitutional Approach by deriving a set of well-being dimensions from an analysis of the Italian Constitution. We argue that this method is both an improvement on those used in the existing literature from the ethical point of view, and has a strong potential for providing the ethical basis of a conception of well-being for the public affairs of a pluralist society. In the final part, we elaborate on the implications for measuring well-being based on data, by ranking Italian regions in terms of well-being, and pointing out the differences in results produced by different methods.
Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.