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Gilles Deleuze, borrowing from Maurice Blanchot's distinctive vocabulary in "The Space of Literature", offers death as the ultimate example of the event. In this paper, I propose reversing the current of concept-metaphor against a certain performance theory of sovereignty and ask, not what the concept-metaphor death does for the thought of the event, but what the concept-metaphor event does for the thought of death on the hunger strike in order to explore the divide between the space of dying and the space of politics, which are incompatibly distinct and yet inextricably linked. Revealing an irreducible anachrony between two deaths - the passage of time that separates dying as pure potentiality from death as a radically contingent event that comes either too early or too late - I argue that the political efficacy of hunger striking depends less on the consummation of death in the immediacy of an ecstatic moment than on the prolongation of this interval of time by potentially endless repetitive enactments, which imply both finality and incompletion.
Purpose: Prisoners have a higher risk of suicide compared to non-incarcerated individuals. One aim of suicide prevention for prisoners is to identify risk factors in order to put stronger support mechanisms in place for the more vulnerable detainees. This study investigates the suicide risk (SR) in offence-related sub-populations in a representative German sample and differentiates between SR for adolescent and adult prisoners.
Methods: Conducting a national study with data from public German records on the entire prison population from 2000 to 2016 and suicide numbers in German prisons in the same period, SR was calculated for the total male prison population as well as for both subgroups, adolescent and adult male prisoners.
Results: In the study period, male prisoners spent 959.584 life years (LY) in German criminal detention. Among those, 524 prisoners died of suicide. SR was higher for detainees imprisoned for an offence resulting in extensive physical harm for another person, e.g. homicide (suicide rate = 134,8 suicides per 100.000 LY; OR = 2,47; CI95%: 1,98–3,08), bodily injury (suicide rate = 87,3; OR = 1,60; CI95%: 1,29–1,99), and sexual offences (suicide rate = 84,2; OR = 1,54; CI95%: 1,18–2,01) compared with the SR of the total prison population (suicide rate = 54.6). Age differences between offence-related SR were found for theft, with adolescents (suicide rate = 69,3; OR = 1,25; CI95%: 0,85–1,84) showing higher SR than adults (suicide rate = 38,2; OR = 0,7; CI95%: 0,54–0,92).
Conclusion: The index offence of detainees is associated with SR and age-related differences exist. Suicide prevention in prisons should take both into account to determine populations at risk.
Objective: Prisoners constitute a high-risk group for suicide, with suicide rates about 5 to 8 times higher than in the general population. The first weeks of imprisonment are a particularly vulnerable time, but there is limited knowledge about the risk factors for either early or late suicide events. Methods: Based on a national total sample of prison suicides in Germany between 2005 and 2017, suicides within the first 2 (4 and 8) weeks after reception into prison were matched by age and penalty length with cases that occurred later. Factors that potentially influence the timing of suicide were investigated. Results: The study has shown that 16.7% (31.5%) of all 390 suicides in German prisons occurred within the first two weeks (two months) of imprisonment. Factors that facilitate adaptation to the prison environment (e.g. prior prison experience) were negatively associated with early suicide events. Factors that hindered the adaptation process (e.g. withdrawal from illicit drugs) were observed more frequently in early suicide events than in late ones. These factors are active at different times of imprisonment. Conclusion: At reception, particular attention should be paid to the following factors associated with early suicide events: widowed marital status, lack of prison experience, and drug dependency.
Background: Kyrgyzstan, where HIV is concentrated in prisons and driven by injection drug use, provides a prison-based methadone maintenance therapy program as well as abstinence-oriented therapeutic community based on the 12-step model called the “Clean Zone.” We aimed to qualitatively assess how prisoners navigate between these treatment options to understand the persistence of the Clean Zone despite a lack of evidence to support its effectiveness in treating opioid use disorders.
Methods: We conducted an analysis of policy documents and over 60 h of participant observation in February 2016, which included focus groups with a convenience sample of 20 therapeutic community staff members, 110 prisoners across three male and one female prisons, and qualitative interviews with two former Clean Zone participants. Field notes containing verbatim quotes from participants were analyzed through iterative reading and discussion to understand how participants generally perceive the program, barriers to entry and retention, and implications for future treatment within prisons.
Results: Our analyses discerned three themes: pride in the mission of the Clean Zone, idealism regarding addiction treatment outcomes against all odds, and the demonization of methadone.
Conclusion: Despite low enrollment and lack of an evidence base, the therapeutic community is buttressed by the strong support of the prison administration and its clients as an “ordered” alternative to what is seen as chaotic life outside of the Clean Zone. The lack of services for Clean Zone patients after release likely contributes to high rates of relapse to drug use. The Clean Zone would benefit from integration of stabilized methadone patients combined with a post-release program.