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This dissertation deals with the lexical, morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of (VP )idioms and their behavior in combination with restrictive relative clauses, raising, constituent fronting, wh-movement, VP-ellipsis, pronominalization, the progressive form, verb placement, passivization, conjunction modification, and the N-after-N construction. It provides empirical evidence towards a combinatorial analysis of both semantically non-decomposable idioms (SNDIs) and semantically decomposable idioms (SDIs) and contributes to the (formal) formulation of such an account.
The Introduction (Chapter 1) first motivates why idioms are an exciting and challenging phenomenon and then gives a definition of the term idiom, a classification of idioms, and an overview of the wide spectrum of idiom analyses found in the linguistic literature.
Chapter 2, “Idioms as evidence for the proper analysis of relative clauses”, shows that the Modification Analysis beats the other two major analyses of restrictive relative clauses (RRCs), namely Raising and Matching, as (i) the latter two lead to a loss of numerous empirical generalizations in syntax and morphology, and (ii) contrary to the assumption in the literature, idioms in RRCs can, in fact, be licensed without literal syntactic movement of the RRC-head, which makes modification fully compatible with idiom reconstruction effects.
Chapter 3, “How frozen are frozen idioms?”, presents new empirical observations on the lexical, morphological, and syntactic flexibility of kick the bucket and displays that this idiom is not completely frozen with respect to its NP complement, the progressive form, and, in some contexts, even passivization. The chapter concludes that analyses of kick the bucket as a single lexical entry should be replaced by analyses of this and other SNDIs with a syntactically regular shape as consisting of individual word-level lexical entries that combine according to the standard rules of syntax.
This idea is taken up in Chapter 4, “The syntactic flexibility of semantically non-decomposable idioms”, which – based on the differences between English and German with regard to verb placement, constituent fronting, and passivization as well as a short outlook on Estonian and French – spells out a combinatorial analysis of SNDIs and augments it with a semantic analysis formulated in Lexical Resource Semantics, according to which some idiom parts make identical semantic contributions to the overall meaning of the idiom. The analysis further suggests that the syntactic flexibility of idioms is due to the semantic and pragmatic constraints on the involved constructions, rather than the syntactic encoding of the idioms.
Chapter 5, “Modification of literal meanings in semantically non-decomposable idioms”, reviews Ernst’s (1981) classical three types of idiom modification (internal, external, and conjunction) to then closely investigate the most challenging type, namely conjunction modification, in SNDIs. Based on naturally occurring examples of four SNDIs (two English, two German), it sketches an analysis in terms of two or more conjoined independent propositions, each of which can be the result of figurative reinterpretation. One of the propositions contains the idiomatic meaning, in (one of) the other(s), the meaning of the modifier applies to the literal meaning of the idiom’s noun.
Chapter 6, “Semantically decomposable idioms in the N-after-N construction”, offers a formal syntactic and semantic account of SDIs like pull strings in the N-after-N construction, as in Kim pulled string after string to get Alex into a good college. While the idiom contributes the type of entity at stake (‘string’ in the case of pull strings), N-after-N contributes that there are several instantiations of that type of entity and that these are subject to temporal or spatial succession. The chapter first summarizes the empirical properties of N-after-N, then provides an account of N-after-N in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), presents an updated version of the account of SDIs suggested in Chapter 2 within HPSG, and combines it with the HPSG account of N-after-N.
This work is about resumptive and non-resumptive relative clauses (RCs) in the three big Ibero-Romance languages: Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan. In (1), the examined structures are exemplified for Spanish: (1a.) No conozco el hombre que viste _ ayer. “I don’t know the man that you saw yesterday.” (1b.) Es este el hombre que le enviaron el libro. “This is the man to whom they sent the book.” (1c.) Es este el hombre a quien le enviaron el libro. “This is the man to whom they sent the book.”
(1a.) displays a non-resumptive, or canonical, RC, which is characterized by the canonical use of a relativizing operator and a gap in the subordinate’s object position, a piece of evidence which has induced most of the generative literature to assume wh-movement of the relative operator in the sense of Chomsky (1977). The last two decades, however, have seen a big debate regarding the exact derivational analysis, starting with Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry theory and the following focus on reconstruction and anti-reconstruction effects in RCs. This search for the correct starting site of the RC’s head noun has dismissed the original Head External Analysis (HEA) (Chomsky 1965, 1977) and led to the development of a Head Raising Analysis (RA) (Kayne 1994, Bianchi 1999, a.o.) and a Matching Analysis (MA) (Munn 1994, Sauerland 1998, a.o.). The discussion in this work argues that the data on reconstruction and anti-reconstruction effects are not sufficiently clear and reliable in order to adopt one of the head-internal analyses, i.e. a HEA or a MA. Instead, the work follows a variant of the HEA proposed for Portuguese by Rinke & Aßmann (2017), which adheres to standard assumptions about Romance syntax, and avoids the empirical problems that the other proposals have to face. Arguing that the HEA holds for all Ibero-Romance languages, this work also takes a stance in the debate around the categorical status of the relativizing element que and argues that it is always a D-element, and never of category C, i.e. there is no such thing as a relativizing complementizer (cf. also Kayne 2010, Kato & Nunes 2008, Poletto & Sanfelici 2018).
The work argues that wh-movement in a HEA fashion is the correct analysis also for resumptive relative clauses as in (1b., c.), which crucially lack a gap in argument position but show a resumptive pronominal element instead. Furthermore, it takes advantage of the fact that the choice of such genetically closely related languages like Spanish, Portuguese, and Catalan enables research to address the phenomenon under consideration from a microcomparative perspective, which is “the closest we can come … to a controlled experiment in comparative syntax” (Kayne 2005: 281-282). The descriptive literature suggests that, at least for Spanish and Catalan, there are two types of a resumptive RC structure available: a simple resumption as in (1b.), including mere que, and a complex resumption structure which displays a more complex relativizer like a quien in combination with a resumptive pronoun (1c.). However, a corpus study carried out for this work reveals that speakers of the three languages behave alike insofar as the only resumptive RC used in spontaneous speech is a simple-resumption structure, while complex resumption never occurs. Additionally, a multivariate analysis shows that in all three languages, grammatical case is the most important factor when it comes to the possibility of a resumptive structure in RCs: with a dative argument, simple resumption is obligatory, while for accusative and nominative arguments, resumption is optional. The discussion concludes that simple and complex resumption constitute different phenomena also on a structural level: the latter one is argued to be a subcase of clitic doubling, and therefore, receives an analysis along the lines of Pineda (2016), who argues against a dative alternation in Romance languages and locates the (non-)realisation of the dative clitic in a transitive clitic-doubling structure outside of syntax, it being a case of silent variation along the lines of Sigurðsson (2004) and Kayne (2005). From this perspective, it follows naturally that in Portuguese, complex resumption structures are ungrammatical. Simple resumption, on the other hand, which is a possible structure in all three languages, is argued to represent the phonological counterpart of “scattered deletion”, i.e. the preferred interpretation for an A’-chain according to Chomsky (2003): in the operator position SpecCP, every feature except for the operator feature is deleted, resulting in the phonological outcome que, while in the variable position, everything but the operator is interpreted, resulting in a pronominal element according to the argument’s phi-features.
This work takes a stance in the latest topics on generative analyses for relative clauses. Using not only theoretical considerations but conclusions drawn from empirical data on three languages, it offers a new perspective on pending questions and proposes to take a fresh look on supposedly outdated analyses.
This dissertation provides an analysis of Finnish prosody, with a focus on the sentence or phrase level. The thesis analyses Finnish as a phrase language. Thus, it accounts for prosodic variation through prosodic phrasing and explains intonational differences in terms of phrase tones.
Finnish intonation has traditionally been described in terms of accents associated with stressed syllables, i.e. similarly as prototypical intonation languages like English or German. However, accents are usually described as uniform instead of forming an inventory of contrasting accent types. The present thesis confirms the uniformity of Finnish tonal contours and explains it as based on realisations of tones associated with prosodic phrases instead of accents. Two levels of phrasing are discussed: Prosodic phrases (p-phrases) and intonational phrases (i-phrases). Most prominently, the p-phrase is marked by a high tone associated with its beginning and a low tone associated with its end; realisations of these tones form the rise-fall contours traditionally analysed as accents. The i-phrase is associated with a final tone that is either low or high and additionally marked by voice quality and final lengthening. While the tonal specifications of these phrases are thus predominantly invariant, variation arises from different distributions of phrases.
This analysis is based on three studies, two production experiments and one perception study. The first production study investigated systematic variation in information structure, first syllable vowel quantity and the target word's position in the sentence, while the second production experiment induced variation in information structure, first and second syllable type and number of syllables. In addition to fundamental frequency, the materials were analysed regarding duration, the occurrence of pauses and voice quality. The perception study investigated the interpretation of compound/noun phrase minimal pairs with manipulated fundamental frequency contours using a two-alternative forced-choice picture selection task. Additionally, a pilot perception study on variation in peak height and timing supported the assumption of uniform tonal contours.
Die Arbeit „Zwischen Kooperation und Wetteifer – Interaktionen und mediale Organisation von Kreativität am Beispiel des koopetitiven Ideennetzwerks jovoto“ untersucht internetbasierte Kokreativität – die gemeinsame Ideenentwicklung im Mediennetzwerk. Im Unterschied zu vorangegangen Untersuchungen, die sich mit den Motiven für die häufig unentgeltlichen kokreativen Aktivitäten und dem Innovationspotential dieser Organisationsform beschäftigten, liegt der Fokus dieser Studie auf der Kommunikation der Akteure untereinander während der Kokreation. Als Fallbeispiel wird die Design-Ideenplattform jovoto ausgewählt, die Kreativität auf der Basis von Koopetition – der Gleichzeitigkeit von Kooperation und Wettbewerb – unter den Teilnehmern fördert. Die Ideenautoren im Netzwerk von jovoto entwickeln kreative Lösungen in den Bereichen Produktdesign, Kampagnen, Innovation und Architektur. Die Teilnehmer treten mit ihren Ideen im Wettbewerb gegeneinander an; gleichzeitig kommentieren und bewerten sie sich gegenseitig im Prozess der Ideenentwicklung. Aus den Bewertungen der Community ergeben sich die Gewinner des ausgeschriebenen Preisgeldes. Aus dieser Gleichzeitigkeit von Wettbewerb und Kooperation ergibt sich die Forschungsfrage dieser Untersuchung: Wie ist das Verhältnis zwischen Kooperation und Wettbewerb im Kokreationsnetzwerk jovoto bestimmt, und wie wirkt dies auf Kreativität? Um diese Frage zu beantworten, untersuche ich die auf der Plattform dokumentierten Interaktionen (Kommentar-Threads) zwischen den Ideenentwicklern und anderen Community-Mitgliedern mit qualitativen und quantitativen Methoden und analysiere zwanzig von mir geführte halbstrukturierte Leitfaden-Interviews mit den Ideenautoren auf jovoto. Zur theoretischen Einordnung der beobachteten Phänomene stütze ich mich sowohl auf Kultur- und Kommunikationstheorien des radikal-konstruktivistischen Erkenntnismodells als auch auf die kulturellen Spieltheorien von Johan Huizinga und Roger Caillois. Ich beziehe zudem Ansätze ein, die Kokreativität als eine Form der kulturellen Produktivität beschreiben. Einen weiteren Anhaltspunkt bilden Studien, die sich mit der produktiven Beziehung zwischen Kooperation und Wettbewerb auseinandersetzen. Ergänzt werden diese Erkenntnisse bspw. durch die These zur Intelligenz der Crowd in heterogenen Gruppen von Entscheidern und durch Untersuchungen zum positiven Einfluss von Differenzen und Konflikten auf die Gruppenkreativität. Ich führe diese Vorarbeiten zu einer Modellvorstellung zusammen: In dieser verknüpft der koopetitive Handlungskontext ein Kooperationsspiel mit einem Wettbewerbsspiel, und zwar mithilfe von Kreativität: Diese ermöglicht, dass der Fokus im Spiel – von der Betonung und Vergrößerung des Gemeinsamen zwischen den Teilnehmern zur Betonung ihrer Differenzen – wechseln kann. Hieraus leite ich Hypothesen ab, die ich empirisch überprüfe: Während einer sechsmonatigen Beobachtung des Plattformgeschehens habe ich Daten zu 135 Wettbewerben auf jovoto erhoben. Die Analyse von über 2.400 Kommentaren ergibt, dass die beiden Leitkategorien „Bestätigung“ und „Herausforderung“ das kokreative Kommunikationsgeschehen charakterisieren. Hiervon ausgehende qualitative und quantitative Untersuchungen zu 54 Diskussions-Threads ergeben: In der Platzierung erfolgreiche Ideen werden von intensiveren Diskussionen begleitet als weniger erfolgreiche. Bemerkenswert ist, dass sie nicht nur eine größere Zahl bestätigender Kommentare erhalten, sondern auch mehr Herausforderungen. Die im Schnitt höchste Punktzahl geht mit einem Verhältnis von rund acht Bestätigungen je Herausforderung einher. Dieses Ergebnis bestätigt die Ausgangshypothese, dass es sich bei den Ideenwettbewerben um ein Kommunikationsspiel mit kooperativer, wetteifernder und kreativer Komponente handelt: In den Interaktionen zu den Ideenbeiträgen, insbesondere den erfolgreichen, herrscht ein Wechsel zwischen Bestätigungen und Herausforderungen vor. Aus den Aussagen der Ideenautoren in den geführten Interviews wird ein zentraler Konflikt deutlich: Die Tätigkeit bringt einen hohen Aufwand und wenig Aussicht auf Gewinn mit sich. Unterm Strich scheint sie jedoch lohnenswert, da die Akteure wichtige Lernerfahrungen im Netzwerk sammeln können und die eigenen Fähigkeiten einzuschätzen lernen. Dass die kreativen Beiträge anderer Wettbewerbsteilnehmer von anderen rege diskutiert werden, belegt den Erfolg des Organisationsmodells der Kokreation. Dieser verhält sich konträr zu den Vorhersagen herkömmlicher ökonomischer Theorie, die rein eigennützige Akteure annimmt, und deutet auf die Relevanz von Theorien hin, die wechselseitiges Feedback und dessen Gratifikationen als Faktoren in der netzwerkbasierte Produktion zentral berücksichtigen.
This dissertation investigates several aspects of nominal modification in Ògè, an understudied language of Benue-congo spoken in Àkókó Northwest in Nigeria. The study focuses on two areas of nominal modification namely, Nominal Attributive Modifiers (NAMs) and the strategies of number marking.
The discussion and analysis of NAMs in the language reveal that Ògè belongs to the group of languages which lacks adjectives as a lexical category. NAMs are nominal and they
are derived from an existing lexical category namely, verbs. Predicative modifiers and NAMs have forms that are similar to the long and short forms (LF & SF) of adjectives in languages in which adjectives form an open class, for example, Russian, SerBoCroatian (BCS) and German.
Based on the Minimalist program, the dissertation reveals that unlike Russian, BCS, and German in which the discrepancies between the two forms of adjectives are related to definiteness (as in the case of BCS) and Agree, the discrepancies in the two forms of modifiers in Ògè are related to the fact that Ògè lacks adjectives and resorts into the nominalization of stative verbs in order to derive attributive forms. Using the analyses of adjuncts according to Truswell (2004) and Zeijlstra (2020), the dissertation proposes that NAMs are adjuncts in a modification structure while they are heads in possessive and genitive constructions. In addition, I propose that NAMs are attributive-only modifiers which modify the NP rather than
the DP.
The dissertation also investigates the strategies of number marking in Ògè. Unlike languages in which number marking is obligatory in the nominal domain (Hebrew, German, English),
nouns in Ògè are not always marked for number. This means that nouns in Ògè have general number. The general number nature of nouns in Ògè is like that of the nouns in modifying plural marking languages namely, Halkomelem, Korean, Yucatec Maya and Yorùbá. However, I argue that unlike the modifying plural marking languages in which the Number Phrase (NumP) is not projected, NumP is projected in the nominal spine of Ògè, claiming that NumP bears an
interpretable number feature which values the uninterpretable number feature in D. Argument in support of this comes from the interpretation of the noun in the presence of òtúro (an element which translates to the plural definite interpretation of the noun). I analyze òtúro as a plural determiner which occupies the D-head in the syntax of Ògè. The dissertation argues following Alexiadou (2019) that the locus of the occurrence of the marker of plurality in the nominal spine does not depend on its interpretation as a plural morpheme, rather, the locus of the occurrence of the element that is sensitive to the plural interpretation of the noun depends on other parameters which are definiteness, specificity and animacy.