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Setswana distinguishes between conjunctive and disjunctive verb forms in the present positive tense. Creissels (1996) shows that this is also true of a number of other tenses (present negative, future positive and perfect positive). This work is used as a starting point to investigate the conjunctive/disjunctive distinction in my own Setswana data. Further to those presented in Creissels, there is data on the past and past progressive tenses, and environments such as relatives and subordinates. Creissels' analysis is supported by different examples, including those that do not utilise a frame intended to limit boundary effects. There are also examples not within this frame that raise questions about how flexible the conjunctive/disjunctive system can be. This paper is a work in progress.
For the learners of Portuguese and German as foreign languages the subjunctive mood represents a learning problem. Based on syntactic and pragmatic categories, the subjunctive is classified in a way that describes its use and permits the comparison between the Portuguese subjuntivo and the German Konjunktiv.
Die richtige Verwendung des Konjunktivs bereitet vielen Deutschlernern/innen Schwierigkeiten. Um diese Schwierigkeiten nachvollziehen zu können, ist es wichtig, die Besonderheiten des deutschen Konjunktivs zu kennen. Darum wird in diesem Aufsatz zuerst der Modus Konjunktiv von den anderen beiden Modi des Deutschen, dem Indikativ und dem Imperativ, abgegrenzt, und herausgestellt, worin sich die Modi des Deutschen unterscheiden. Anschließend werden Besonderheiten des Konjunktivs als einem Mittel der Modalität dargestellt. Sodann wird im Einzelnen dargestellt, welche Funktionen Konjunktiv I und II übernehmen können. Der Aufsatz schließt mit einer Diskussion über das Unterrichten des Konjunktivs im DaF-Unterricht.
The paper investigates the interpretation of the Romanian subjunctive B (subjB) mood when it is embedded under the propositional attitude verb crede (believe). SubjB is analyzed as a single package of three distinct presuppositions: temporal de se, dissociation and propositional de se. I show that subjB is the temporal analogue of null PRO in the individual domain: it allows only for a de se reading. Dissociation enables us to show that subjB always takes scope over a negation embedded in a belief report. Propositional de se derives this empirical generalization. The introduction of centered propositions (generalizing centered worlds), together with propositional de se, dissociation and the belief 'introspection' principles, derives the fact that subjB belief reports (unlike their indicative counterparts) are infelicitous with embedded probabil.