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Auf den ersten Blick sieht es so aus, als würden die DH eine Nische besetzen. Tatsächlich jedoch dürfen sich die traditionellen Geisteswissenschaften in Bedrängnis fühlen. Nicht nur ist es für digitale Forschungsprojekte offenbar einfacher, an öffentliche Gelder zu kommen, die den tradi-tionellen Geisteswissenschaften dann fehlen. Die DH machen durch ihre wohl noch lange nicht ausgeschöpfte Fülle theoretischer Einsatzmöglichkeiten zudem ein Versprechen auf die Zukunft, das mit Erwartungen verbunden ist, die so vielleicht nicht erfüllt werden können. Untermauert wird dieses Versprechen mit einer rasant wachsenden Anzahl von Veröffentlichungen in diesem Bereich. Und möglicherweise ist es in den DH einfacher, in hoher Frequenz zu publizieren. Daher ist es nicht erstaunlich, dass seit einigen Jahren eine Debatte geführt wird, in der es um Kritik an der jeweils opponierenden Disziplin sowie um Zuschreibungen geht.
The concept of length, the concept is synonymous, the concept is nothing more than, the proper definition of a concept ... Forget programs and visions; the operational approach refers specifically to concepts, and in a very specific way: it describes the process whereby concepts are transformed into a series of operations—which, in their turn, allow to measure all sorts of objects. Operationalizing means building a bridge from concepts to measurement, and then to the world. In our case: from the concepts of literary theory, through some form of quantification, to literary texts.
The nineteenth century in Britain saw tumultuous changes that reshaped the fabric of society and altered the course of modernization. It also saw the rise of the novel to the height of its cultural power as the most important literary form of the period. This paper reports on a long-term experiment in tracing such macroscopic changes in the novel during this crucial period. Specifically, we present findings on two interrelated transformations in novelistic language that reveal a systemic concretization in language and fundamental change in the social spaces of the novel. We show how these shifts have consequences for setting, characterization, and narration as well as implications for the responsiveness of the novel to the dramatic changes in British society.
This paper has a second strand as well. This project was simultaneously an experiment in developing quantitative and computational methods for tracing changes in literary language. We wanted to see how far quantifiable features such as word usage could be pushed toward the investigation of literary history. Could we leverage quantitative methods in ways that respect the nuance and complexity we value in the humanities? To this end, we present a second set of results, the techniques and methodological lessons gained in the course of designing and running this project.
This article has two aims: it discusses the use and function of a very specific contract clause in Hellenistic time and explores the possibilities and limits to use databases and their automated searches and visualisations as heuristic tools. It is argued, that praxis … kata to diagramma is mainly a regional variety of an executionclause and not connected to the Greek type lawcourts as supposed by Mitteis and Wolff. Graph-databases can help to see different possible decisive features at the same time and show, which connections are more intensive than others, but automated analysis is slowed down and blurred by the lack of categorizing specific to the questions of legal history
This article has two aims: it discusses the use and function of a very specific contract clause in Hellenistic time and explores the possibilities and limits to use databases and their automated searches and visualisations as heuristic tools. It is argued, that praxis … kata to diagramma is mainly a regional variety of an executionclause and not connected to the Greek type lawcourts as supposed by Mitteis and Wolff. Graph-databases can help to see different possible decisive features at the same time and show, which connections are more intensive than others, but automated analysis is slowed down and blurred by the lack of categorizing specific to the questions of legal history
If there is one thing to be learned from David Foster Wallace, it is that cultural transmission is a tricky game. This was a problem Wallace confronted as a literary professional, a university-based writer during what Mark McGurl has called the Program Era. But it was also a philosophical issue he grappled with on a deep level as he struggled to combat his own loneliness through writing. This fundamental concern with literature as a social, collaborative enterprise has also gained some popularity among scholars of contemporary American literature, particularly McGurl and James English: both critics explore the rules by which prestige or cultural distinction is awarded to authors (English; McGurl). Their approach requires a certain amount of empirical work, since these claims move beyond the individual experience of the text into forms of collective reading and cultural exchange influenced by social class, geographical location, education, ethnicity, and other factors. Yet McGurl and English's groundbreaking work is limited by the very forms of exclusivity they analyze: the protective bubble of creative writing programs in the academy and the elite economy of prestige surrounding literary prizes, respectively. To really study the problem of cultural transmission, we need to look beyond the symbolic markets of prestige to the real market, the site of mass literary consumption, where authors succeed or fail based on their ability to speak to that most diverse and complicated of readerships: the general public. Unless we study what I call the social lives of books, we make the mistake of keeping literature in the same ascetic laboratory that Wallace tried to break out of with his intense authorial focus on popular culture, mass media, and everyday life.
Of the novelties introduced by digitization in the study of literature, the size of the archive is probably the most dramatic: we used to work on a couple of hundred nineteenth-century novels, and now we can analyze thousands of them, tens of thousands, tomorrow hundreds of thousands. It's a moment of euphoria, for quantitative literary history: like having a telescope that makes you see entirely new galaxies. And it's a moment of truth: so, have the digital skies revealed anything that changes our knowledge of literature? This is not a rhetorical question. In the famous 1958 essay in which he hailed "the advent of a quantitative history" that would "break with the traditional form of nineteenth-century history", Fernand Braudel mentioned as its typical materials "demographic progressions, the movement of wages, the variations in interest rates [...] productivity [...] money supply and demand." These were all quantifiable entities, clearly enough; but they were also completely new objects compared to the study of legislation, military campaigns, political cabinets, diplomacy, and so on. It was this double shift that changed the practice of history; not quantification alone. In our case, though, there is no shift in materials: we may end up studying 200,000 novels instead of 200; but, they're all still novels. Where exactly is the novelty?