Refine
Document Type
- Article (3)
- Working Paper (2)
Has Fulltext
- yes (5)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (5) (remove)
Keywords
- agency (5) (remove)
How does social class affect people’s goals in social interactions? A rank-based perspective suggests actors from higher social classes (compared to lower social classes) have more agentic and less communal goals when interacting with same class or unspecified others. Focusing on targets’ social class, an identity-based perspective suggests the reverse: Actors should more strongly endorse communal (agentic) goals toward illegitimately lower class (higher class) compared to illegitimately higher class (lower class) targets, regardless of actors’ own social class. Three preregistered experiments (N = 2,023) manipulated actor’s social class and the nature of the target (illegitimately higher/lower class, same class, unspecified) and measured participants’ goals in imagined interactions using the Circumplex Scales of Intergroup Goals. The identity-based perspective received strong support: Across studies, actors expressed stronger agentic (communal) goals toward higher class (lower class) targets. The rank-based perspective received limited support, with relatively low-class (vs. relatively high-class) actors expressing stronger communal goals toward same-class targets.
Im Rahmen des ERASMUS+-Aktionsforschungsprojektes SHARMED wurden didaktische Werkzeuge entwickelt, um Lehrende darin zu unterstützen, ihrem Auftrag in Zeiten der Inklusion gerecht zu werden. Dabei will SHARMED zu einem Perspektivenwechsel beitragen, bei dem die Diversität der Schüler*innen nicht als eine Herausforderung gesehen wird, die bewältigt werden muss, damit die Schüler*innen bestimmte Kompetenzen erwerben und Inhalte aufnehmen können. SHARMED legt den Fokus stattdessen auf das viel zu selten wahrgenommene, kommunizierte und ausgelebte Bereicherungspotenzial, das in dieser Diversität steckt und lädt ein, Raum dafür zu schaffen. SHARMED setzt auf die dialogische Haltung, wodurch Lernende zu Protagonist*innen des Lernprozesses werden, und ihn aktiv mitgestalten. Um die dazu notwendige Agency der Schüler*innen zu fördern, wurden sowohl die Techniken der dialogischen Prozessbegleitung erforscht, als auch die folgende Methode konzipiert und getestet: Anhand eigener, zu diesem Zweck selbst ausgewählter und mitgebrachter Bilder haben Schüler*innen eigene Erinnerungen erzählt, welche dann als Ausgangspunkt für Dialoge genutzt wurden. In diesem Artikel wird ein solcher Austauschprozess konversationsanalytisch untersucht und so gezeigt, wie bestimmte, die pädagogische Praxis prägende kommunikative Handlungen der Inklusion entgegenstehen. Gleichzeitig wird auch eine konkrete Vorstellung von der konversationsanalytischen Forschungsarbeit und den Materialien vermittelt, die zum Zweck der Aus- und Weiterbildung von Lehrkräften frei zur Verfügung stehen. Die Nutzung der Aufnahmen und Transkriptionen der Dialoge ermöglicht es Lehrenden, sich über die Auswirkung kommunikativer Handlungen auf den pädagogischen Prozess bewusst zu werden. Darüber hinaus geben die Materialien einerseits Impulse zur Selbstreflexion und vermitteln andererseits Wissen und konkrete Ideen, um die Arbeit in Klassenzimmer inklusiver zu gestalten.
This paper focuses on Eastern European migrants who, since the beginning of the 1990s, are entering the Republic Cyprus as “artistes”. This is a visa permit status as well as an euphemism for short-term work permits in the local sex industry. In addition to exploring the migrational experiences of these women and their living and working conditions in the Republic of Cyprus, the paper reconstructs, empirically and analyt ically, the connection between immigration and the local sex industry. Here, several categories of social actors and institutions in Cyprus are actively involved. The rhetoric of government representatives, entrepreneurs and clients in the sex business on the one hand is contrasted with the discourse of local NGO representatives concerned with immigrants’ rights on the other hand. The paper comes to the conclusion that all of these discursive positions ultimately do not do justice to the complex process of decisionmaking that women undergo who migrate into the sex industry. Either, freedom of choice is emphasized – such as by entrepreneurs and the government – or the domination of women – as in the public statements of the NGO. In order to analyze the ambivalent tension between freedom of choice and submission to force by which the women’s decision is characterized, the author employs Michel Foucault’s concept of governmentality, which describes forms of political regulation that use the individual’s freedom of action as an instrument to exercise power.
This working paper suggests to analyse agencification as a double process of institutional and policy centralisation. To that end, it develops a categorisation of agencies that incorporates these two dimensions. More specifically, it is argued that mixed outcomes where the levels of institutional and policy centralisation diverge can be expected to be the rule rather than the exception, in line with the hybrid nature of EU agencies as inbetweeners. Moreover, the fiduciary setting hits important legal constraints given the limits to delegation in the EU context. Against this backdrop a process whereby institutional centralisation develops incrementally and remains limited, yet is accompanied by a process of substantial policy centralisation, appears as the most promising path for EU agencification. A fiduciary setting, where a strong agency enjoys a high degree of independence and operates in a centralised policy space, by contrast, should be the exception. The comparative study of the process of agencification in the energy and banking sector is insightful in the light of these expectations. The incremental nature of institutional change in energy exemplifies the usual path of agencification, which is conducive to a weak agency operating in a relatively centralised policy space. Agencification in banking, by contrast, has led to a rather unusual outcome where the strong agency model combines with a fragmented policy context.
Members of conflicting groups experience threats to different identity dimensions, resulting in the need to restore the aspect of identity that was threatened. Do these needs translate into specific goals in social interactions? In the present research, we examined the hypotheses that (1) experiencing one’s ingroup as illegitimately disadvantaged or victimized arouses agentic goals (to act and appear assertive and confident) when interacting with the advantaged or victimizing group, while (2) experiencing one’s ingroup as illegitimately advantaged or perpetrating transgressions arouses communal goals (to act and appear warm and trustworthy) when interacting with the disadvantaged or victimized group. Study 1 (N = 391) generally supported both hypotheses across diverse intergroup contexts involving gender, national/ethnic, and consumer identities. Study 2 (N = 122) replicated this pattern in a context of occupational identities. Study 2 further showed that the effect of ingroup role on agentic and communal intergroup goals was not moderated by participants’ general dispositional preferences for agentic and communal goals in interpersonal interactions, thus demonstrating how ingroup role exerts a distinct and robust influence on goals for interactions with other groups. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.