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This study examines the particularities of multilingual discourse, based on the example of recorded conversations in a trilingual family in Canada. It combines two different fields of linguistic research: multilingualism and conversation analysis. The study of multilingualism has developed into a popular field of linguistic research over the past two decades. In general, it focuses on bilingualism as a social and individual phenomenon, and in particular on the alternation between two languages in the speech of bilinguals. For this alternation, the term code-switching is widely used. Usually, the term refers to language alternation both between sentences and within sentence boundaries. From a sociolinguistic perspective code-switching is often interpreted as a means of signaling group membership in bilingual communities, whereas grammatical analyses examine how morphosyntactic units from different languages are combined (and can be combined) within one sentence. Auer (1998: 3) suggests the study of the conversational structure of code-switching as a third perspective on bilingual language usage, one that he claims has been widely neglected by linguistic research in the past. In particular, those cases of language alternation between utterances (sentences) but within the same conversation cannot be described adequately from either a macro-sociolinguistic or a morphosyntactic perspective.
Diese Rechtskolumne stellt in Form eines Essays den staatsrechtlichen Diskurs und einige seiner Akteure zur Thematik des realen Wandels der Lebensverhältnisse von Ehe und Familie dar und befasst sich mit den Schwierigkeiten dessen normativer Verarbeitung. Der relevante Verfassungstext wurde nicht geändert, umstritten ist die Auslegung und inwieweit sie sich verändern darf. Das Bundesverfassungsgericht erklärte seit 2009 mehr-fach die Ungleichbehandlungen zwischen Ehe- und Lebenspartnern für verfassungswidrig. Die Vereinigung der deutschen Staatsrechtslehrer debattierte auf der Staatsrechtslehrertagung 2013 in Greifswald über Ehe und Familie, wobei es, insbesondere von den Männern, emotiona-le Stellungnahmen gegen die Auflösung der Ehe zu hören gab. Es dreht sich jedoch in diesem Diskurs über Ehe und Familie nicht nur um die Gleichstellung von Lesben und Schwulen. Immer wird auch das Geschlechterverhältnis zwischen Männern und Frauen mitverhandelt. Mit dem oft verteidigten traditionellen Familienbild ist die Ehe als patriarchale Institution gemeint. Bis heute wirkmächtig geblieben ist das spezifisch deutsche Mütterlichkeitsideal: Bleibt Mutti nicht zuhau-se, leidet das Kind. Unsere europäischen Nachbarn teilen diese Einstellung nicht. Das Recht muss akzeptieren und aufnehmen, dass Menschen heute in vielfältigen Familienformen (zu denen unter anderen auch die traditionelle Kleinfamilie gehört) leben.
The emergence of Capitalism is said to always lead to extreme changes in the structure of a society. This view implies that Capitalism is a universal and unique concept that needs an explicit institutional framework and should not discriminate between a German or US Capitalism. In contrast, this work argues that the ‘ideal type’ of Capitalism in a Weberian sense does not exist. It will be demonstrated that Capitalism is not a concept that shapes a uniform institutional framework within every society, constructing a specific economic system. Rather, depending on the institutional environment - family structures in particular - different forms of Capitalism arise. To exemplify this, the networking (Guanxi) Capitalism of contemporary China will be presented, where social institutions known from the past were reinforced for successful development. It will be argued that especially the change, destruction and creation of family and kinship structures are key factors that determined the further development and success of the Chinese economy and the type of Capitalism arising there. In contrast to Weber, it will be argued that Capitalism not necessarily leads to a process of destruction of traditional structures and to large-scale enterprises under rational, bureaucratic management, without leaving space for socio-cultural structures like family businesses. The flexible global production increasingly favours small business production over larger corporations. Small Chinese family firms are able to respond to rapidly changing market conditions and motivate maximum efforts for modest pay. The structure of the Chinese family proved to be very persistent over time and to be able to accommodate diverse economic and political environments while maintaining its core identity. This implies that Chinese Capitalism may be an entirely new economic system, based on Guanxi and the family.