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O artigo toma as críticas ao entrelaçamento entre direito e violência como um ponto de partida para explorar a possibilidade de um "tertiumdo direito". Desse modo, busca superar a suposição dicotômica básica que enxerga o direito sempre oscilando entre uma apologia à violência, de um lado, e uma utopia da razão, de outro. O texto analisa a possibilidade dessetertium, uma "força legal" além da violência legal e da razão legal, em quatro passos, recorrendo ao trabalho de Jacques Derrida e de autores da primeira geração da Escola de Frankfurt, em particular, de Theodor Adorno e Walter Benjamin. Argumenta que, em um primeiro passo, o direito precisa ser dissociado do Estado. A violência jurídica, entretanto, não se origina apenas do laço entre direito e poder de Estado. O direito é em si mesmo violento, mesmo quando não é direito de Estado. O segundo passo da crítica legal consiste, portanto, na recordação da violência do direito, seguido por um terceiro, que pede a transformação da violência em força. Essas três instâncias da crítica são as precondições para um passo último e essencial, de acordo com o qual a crítica do direito deve facilitar a transcendência da violência jurídica, tomando o direito e a sua promessa de justiça ao pé da letra com a finalidade de voltar essa promessa contra o próprio direito.
In the nineties, Habermas redirected his political writings to the post-national constellation (global and European) and the possibilities of a society politically integrated through transnational democracy (or post-national democracy). This thematic reorientation took place on two fronts. The first one is the global transnational democracy, which includes the impacts of the economic globalization on national democracies, as well the proposal for a political Constitution for a pluralistic world society, based on a constitutionalization of international law. The second one is the European transnational democracy, which includes the redefinition of the political profile of European welfare state for an economic liberal profile, as well the paradox of democratic technocracy operated by European institutions and the proposal to overcome the decoupled technocratic policy model. This paper will address only this last topic, describing the reasons of the democratic deficit and the consequent delay of European political Union. Despite numerous reforms, the technocratic policies have not eliminated the discrepancy between centralization and democratization, and mistakenly indicate another direction further reinforcing the problem of European undemocratic institutions. In contrast, Habermas argues that the democratic deficit could only be overcome replacing the technocratic approach by a deeper democratization of European institutions.
Este artículo presenta una lectura crítica de un trabajo central de Axel Honneth desde la teoría de la sujeción de Judith Butler. Intenta mostrar que, por la ausencia en su escrito de una consideración sobre el poder, el pensador alemán no logra cumplir satisfactoriamente su objetivo propuesto de enfrentar las posturas que cuestionan el potencial crítico del reconocimiento. La hipótesis que aquí se maneja es que esa ausencia está ligada a su definición del reconocimiento como lo contrario de las prácticas de dominio o sometimiento. Ahora bien, Honneth afirma que el escepticismo de esas posturas respecto del reconocimiento se basa en la idea de que toda praxis recognoscente reproduce de alguna manera el orden social dominante. El presente trabajo se propone entonces, cuestionar esta aseveración del autor advirtiendo que un análisis sobre el modo en que el poder actúa en las prácticas cotidianas de reconocimiento no necesariamente conlleva una renuncia de la función crítica del concepto para la teoría social. Más bien, como sugiere la noción butleriana (y foucaultiana) de crítica, sólo enmarcando al reconocimiento en el horizonte normativo que lo delimita puede convertirse en la base de la indagación social.
Sublimity, negativity, and architecture. An essay on negative architecture through Kant to Adorno
(2015)
Architecture defines and consumes people. It exposes them to a multitude of varieties of different aesthetic engagements. Architecture becomes a lived experience. However, this lived experience is always caught in the inner workings of the social and more specifically within cultural ideology. In modern capitalism, culture pervades every aspect of our lives. It shows its presence everywhere from our own homes to the public streets. Culture is everywhere, and architecture is a tool used for both the benefit and detriment of the “culture industry”. Kant speaks of the sublime as a profound moment of reason realizing its ability to overcome its own limits. In this experience is it possible to be completely ravaged and descend into hades and melancholy? Is there a beauty in this descent? More specifically, can architecture become banal or pedestrian, uplifting or depressing? According to Theodor Adorno, our subjectivity is defined by the constant dialectical struggle between freedom and unfreedom (among other things). It is realizing our freedom in the face of our unfreedom that makes us truly able to attain some form of resistance. The sublime experience can be transformed into a spirit of revelation and beautifully allow us to in a way resist the one-dimensional tendencies of modern capitalism. Architecture, which is immersed in our societal being and contributes to many of our own subjective unfreedoms, comes to define our lives as inhabited space. When does architecture produce a sublime experience? Can architecture’s authentic “aura” stand out amongst the reproduced city and produce a sublime feeling that can be a form of resistance against the culture industry? Does Grand Central Terminal provide the key to an architecturally sublime experience? Using dialectical experience and examining the sublime feeling (in a critique of the Kantian sublime) as the key to breaking through the culture industry’s banal architectural hold on our subjectivity, this essay will examine the experience of the sublime as a key to unfolding resistance in the face of the banality of modern architecture in the city and opening our minds to the Great Refusal through the exploration of Grand Central Terminal.
Historical scholarship on the sixteenth-century neo-scholastic debate about American Indians generally centers on the thought of Francisco de Vitoria. Focusing on Alfonso de Castro’s short treatise Utrum indigenae (1543), this paper challenges both an exclusive concentration on Vitoria as well as the received contention that the thought of the School of Salamanca rendered a single, unified view of Amerindians. In Utrum indigenae, Castro argued that American Indians should be instructed in liberal arts and theology thus constructing a strikingly different image of the peoples of the New World as compared to accounts by Vitoria or Francisco Suárez. While the historian Martin Nesvig has recently proposed an Erasmian humanist contextualization of Castro’s treatise, I argue that the image of American Indians presented in Utrum indigenae testifies to an alternative, novel way of writing about American Indians from within the framework of the School of Salamanca which has so far remained unnoticed.
The central aim of this dissertation is the defense of the metaphysical thesis of Physicalism against two anti-physicalist arguments, namely, the conceivability arguments and the knowledge argument. Both arguments confront Physicalism with apparently incompatible facts about consciousness, in particular, the so-called subjective character of consciousness. Both arguments depart from epistemic premisses to arrive at metaphysical conclusion that physicalism is false. This step will be justified through an inferential connection between conceivability and metaphysical possibility. The hypothesis is that the set of physicalist responses known as the Phenomenal Concept Strategy is the most promising way to respond to the anti-physicalist arguments. In this dissertation I have critically assed the so-called Phenomenal Concept Strategy and I have defended it from new formulated objections.
Esse artigo tem por objetivo analisar as contribuições de Axel Honneth para o atual debate das teorias da justiça, entre as quais a principal é a busca de princípios normativos encrustados na realidade social. Em sua obra O direito da liberdade, o autor indica a liberdade como o grande valor moderno. O medium da justiça seria uma liberdade de tipo social a qual estaria expressa nas instituições vinculadas às relações pessoais, ao mercado e ao universo político. Considerando a lacuna entre os princípios normativos de justiça indicados pelo autor e a realidade social este artigo propõe colocar em discussão as potencialidades e limites da própria reconstrução normativa como instrumento de análise do social, pautando especificamente o mercado de trabalho, a fim de colaborar à discussão das possibilidades de articular a norma compartilhada e a emergência de valores em vias de institucionalização.
The European Union is at the crossroads between intelligent expansion of future horizons and frightened shrinking to a perspective of local areas. Fear of descent of the citizens on one side and a politics of crisis, that goes along with harsh injustice have made upset the national societies against each other, missing courage on the side of politicians, to bring European issues to the fore, endanger the European project. There is only one way to overcome this situation by establishing a democratic union, which conserves not only the social and civilian achievements of the national state, as well as the assets of a greater democratic political unity, that offers an unity of European citizens and European state demos.