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Etymology plays a central role for Charles Olson's poetics. Based on the assumption that language precedes individual speakers and thereby always carries its long history and the traces of those who spoke it before with it, Olson's approach to it is archeological. At the same time, his work as a poet is directed towards to the future: he writes at the avant-gardist Black Mountain College and demands a new American poetry, designated as "projective verse". Conjoining these two temporal directions, Olson claims "I am an archeologist of morning". One way of paving the way for a 'poetry of morning' is uncovering the origins of words and going back to their etymological roots. Thereby, it is important to note that Olson's etymologies are mostly faulty or simplified. Often, they turn out to be quotes he found in other works. By integrating the fishy etymologies in his own writing and handling them creatively, Olson endows the words' supposed history with something new and readers who trace the wrong etymological tracks are encouraged to capture an immediate impetus of language in action. Thus, Olson's 'etymons' go hand in hand with the poetological implications of projective verse.
L’auteur est parti du constat qu’à la suite de la monographie de Jean Rupp, toutes les études portant sur le terme christianitas cherchent à saisir le concept de chrétienté, au détriment des autres significations possibles. Geelhaar a donc décidé de reprendre le dossier en partant de l’histoire du mot lui-même, de ce qu’il signifiait pour les hommes de l’Antiquité tardive jusqu’à l’époque carolingienne, quels sens ils lui donnaient et dans quels contextes ils l’utilisaient. Le but de sa recherche est de vérifier les études publiées jusqu’à présent, quitte à les remettre en cause, mais également de contribuer à la recherche sur le langage politique du tournant entre Antiquité et Moyen Âge, à savoir si et comment le terme christianitas participe à la communication politique. ...
O conceito de Witz, como aparece nos fragmentos de Friedrich Schlegel, publicados entre 1798 e 1800, está ligado ao entendimento estético e foi recuperado por Walter Benjamin em O conceito de crítica de arte no romantismo alemão. O Witz faz parte da "terminologia filosófica" romântica, é um instante na reflexão crítica sobre uma obra de arte onde se dá o conhecimento súbito. O Witz opera na obra uma iluminação de diferentes níveis: semanticamente, aparece na obra como as figuras de estilo da subitaneidade, ou como parabase, a ruptura que autoexplica a obra. Witz, etimologicamente, seria uma corruptela de wissen (saber), e representado pela metáfora da luz. O termo original Witz mantém uma relação sonora com Blitz (relâmpago), é o saber que emerge à consciência subitamente, como um relâmpago, uma iluminação súbita da cena. Witz/Bliz constituem-se em um par conceitual, ou seja, a sonoridade dos termos permite um permuta visual e fonética que vem ao encontro das possibilidades semânticas, compondo um par de opostos.
In the sections that follow we shall be concerned with analyzing the semantic evolution of the noun cheek in the history of English. The semantics of the lexical item under scrutiny will be examined with reference to its two aspects, that is (1) the semantic potential of the analysed lexical unit in its primary, etymological sense (sense A) and its secondary senses (senses B > E), (2) as well as the secondary senses emerging from various phraseological units which echo the nominal sense B (henceforth B-related senses). The analysis proposed here continues the area of research initiated in Wieclawska (2009a, 2009b), Wieclawska 2010, Kleparski and Wieclawska (2010) and Wieclawska (2011), the target of which are semantic changes and phraseological productivity of lexical items variously related to the conceptual macrocategory BODY PARTS. The methodological apparatus employed here is the one that follows the theoretical frames developed by, among others, Kleparski (1996, 1997, 2002), Kieltyka (2008, 2010) that may be referred to as representing much cognitivistic spirit of semantic analysis.
U ovome se članku obrađuju posuđenice mletačkoga podrijetla u sjevernočakavskom govoru Boljuna u sjeveroistočnoj Istri. Cilj rada bio je etimološki obraditi pridjeve i imenice iz semantičke domene karakternih osobina koji nisu bili uvršteni u Skokov Etimologijski rječnik ni u Vinjine Jadranske etimologije. Polazišna građa ekscerpirana je iz rukopisnoga Rječnika boljunskih govora Ivana Francetića, provjerena je na terenu te je etimološkom i leksičkom analizom dovedena u vezu s istromletačkim, venecijanskim, tršćanskim i talijanskim (etymologia proxima) te s latinskim ili drugim etimonom (etymologia remota), a na sinkronijskoj i dijatopijskoj razini s rječničkim potvrdama u ostalim čakavskim govorima Istre, Kvarnera i Dalmacije.
U radu se predstavljaju rezultati terenskog istraživanja o nazivima za uskršnju pletenicu, provedenog na gotovo dvjesto punktova duž hrvatske obale te u unutrašnjosti Istre i nadopunjenog podatcima iz objavljene literature. Istraživanjem su, radi usporedbe, zahvaćena i neka naselja u Gorskom kotaru te u unutrašnjosti Dalmacije. Analiza prikupljenog korpusa ukazuje na snažnu prisutnost slike sadržaja ‘ptica’ u našim jadranskim nazivima za uskršnju pletenicu, bilo da je riječ o nazivima slavenskog ili romanskog (dalmatskog, istroromanskog ili mletačkog) podrijetla. Na temelju tih zapažanja ponovno se razmatraju neka dosad predložena etimološka rješenja (Skok, Vinja) te donose novi etimološki prijedlozi.
U članku se raspravlja o istrorumunjskim nazivima koji su u bilo kakvoj svezi sa stablom (općenito). Obrađeni su oblici dio opsežnijega korpusa od preko 8000 oblika koji smo sami prikupili (istraživanja su obavljana u više navrata od 1985. godine – posljednje provjere i dopune korpusa obavljene su tekuće, 2010., godine i to u svim mjestima gdje se i danas govori istrorumunjski: Žejane, Šušnjevica, Nova Vas, Jesenovik, Letaj, Brdo, Škabići, Trkovci, Zankovci, Miheli, Kostrčan). Uz svaku obrađenu riječ navode se odgovarajuće iz svih dostupnih nam istrorumunjskih repertoara. Za svaku riječ daje se etimologijsko tumačenje do kojeg se dolazi usporedbom pojedinog termina s odgovarajućim čakavskim i istromletačkim okolnim govorima, a ako je riječ domaća, daju se i paralele iz ostala tri rumunjska dijalekta. U obrađenoj građi prevladavaju posuđenice iz čakavskih govora. Domaćih je riječi 14, no za neke se to ne može s potpunom sigurnošću utvrditi jer se u potpunosti poklapaju s čakavskim ekvivalentima. Izravnih posuđenica iz (istro)mletačkoga nema.
U radu se raspravlja o etimologiji hrvatske riječi jaram i srodnih riječi u ostalim slavenskim jezicima. Prikazuje se da je ta riječ u baltoslavenskome bila množinski oblik imenice koja je dala hrvatsko rame. Raspravljaju se formalne teškoće te etimologije i analiziraju se brojne usporedne izvedenice u slavenskome.
Mit der Möglichkeit, anhand digitaler Telefonanschlüsse Familiennamen nach Bestand, Trägerzahl und räumlicher Verbreitung mit großer Genauigkeit zu erfassen, hat eine neue Epoche der Anthroponomastik begonnen. Der Schatz von 850661 verschiedenen Familiennamen, die im Jahre 2005 in 28205713 privaten Festnetzanschlüssen registriert waren, ist immens, und die Fragestellungen zu seiner Erforschung sind in ihrer Ausrichtung und in ihrer Anzahl unerschöpflich. In dieser Situation ergaben sich vordringlich zwei Aufgaben: Erstens musste angesichts der von Jahr zu Jahr wachsenden Bevölkerungsmobilität, angesichts der Auswirkung neuerer Namengesetzgebung und angesichts der schnell zunehmenden Ablösung lokalisierter Festnetzanschlüsse durch Mobiltelefone der Namenbestand spätestens jetzt aufgrund der zuverlässigsten Quelle und in legitim nutzbarer Weise gesichert und archiviert werden. Die geschichtlich gewachsenen Namenlandschaften sind gerade noch, und zwar in erstaunlicher Stabilität, erhalten. Die Daten wurden nach Klärung der Datenschutzfragen von der Deutschen Telekom auf Stand Juni 2005 dem Deutschen Familiennamenatlas zur Verfügung gestellt und ihre Nutzung zur namenkundlichen Forschung mit Vertrag vom 28.06.2005 geregelt.
The paper investigates the origins of the German/Dutch particle toch/doch) in the hope of shedding light on a puzzle with respect to doch/toch and to shed some light on two theoretical issues. The puzzle is the nearly opposite meaning of the stressed and unstressed versions of the particle which cannot be accounted for in standard theories of the meaning of stress. One theoretical issue concerns the meaning of stress: whether it is possible to reduce the semantic contribution of a stressed item to the meaning of the item and the meaning of stress. The second issue is whether the complex use of a particle like doch/toch can be seen as an instance of spread or whether it has to be seen as having a core meaning which is differentiated by pragmatics operating in different contexts.
We use the etymology of doch and doch as to+u+h (that+ question marker+ emphatic marker) to argue for an origin as a question tag checking a hearer opinion. Stress on the tag indicates an opposite opinion (of the common ground or the speaker) and this sets apart two groups of uses spreading in different directions. This solves the puzzle, indicates that the assumption of spread is useful and offers a subtle correction of the interpretation of stress. While stress always means contrast with a contrasting item, if the particle use is due to spread, it is not guaranteed that the unstressed particle has a corresponding use (or inversely).