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This dissertation provides a comprehensive account of the grammar of relative clause extraposition in English. Based on a systematic review and evaluation of the empirical generalizations and theoretical approaches provided in the literature on generative grammar, it is shown that none of the previous theories is able to account for all the relevant facts. Among the most problematic data are the Principle C and scope effects of relative clause extraposition, cases with obligatory relative clauses, and relative clauses with elliptical NPs as antecedents.
I propose a new analysis of relative clause extraposition within the constraint-based, monostratal grammatical framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), enhanced with the semantic theory of Lexical Resource Semantics (LRS). Crucially, it is a general analysis of relative clause attachment, since both canonical and extraposed relative clauses are licensed by the same syntactic and semantic constraints. The basic assumption is that a relative clause can be adjoined to any phrase that contains a suitable antecedent of the relative pronoun. The semantic information that licenses the relative clause is introduced by the determiner of the antecedent NP. The techniques of underspecified semantics and the standard semantic representation language used by LRS make it possible to formulate constraints which yield the correct intersective interpretation of the relative clause (arbitrarily distant from its antecedent NP) and at the same time link the scope of the antecedent NP to the adjunction site of the relative clause.
In combination with the revised HPSG binding theory developed in this dissertation, the proposed analysis is able to capture the major properties of relative clause attachment within a unified and internally consistent monostratal constraint-based grammatical framework.
People who delay claiming Social Security receive higher lifelong benefits upon retirement. We survey individuals on their willingness to delay claiming later, if they could receive a lump sum in lieu of a higher annuity payment. Using a moment-matching approach, we calibrate a lifecycle model tracking observed claiming patterns under current rules and predict optimal claiming outcomes under the lump sum approach. Our model correctly predicts that early claimers under current rules would delay claiming most when offered actuarially fair lump sums, and for lump sums worth 87% as much, claiming ages would still be higher than at present.
The international diffusion of technology plays a key role in stimulating global growth and explaining co-movements of international equity returns. Existing empirical evidence suggests that countries are heterogeneous in their attitude toward innovation: Some countries rely more on technology adoption while other countries rely more on internal technology production. European countries that rely more on adoption are also typically characterized by lower fiscal policy exibility and higher labor market rigidity. We develop a two-country model – where both countries rely on R&D and adoption – to study the short-run and long-run effects of aggregate technology and adoption probability shocks on economic growth in the presence of the aforementioned asymmetries. Our framework suggests that an increase in the ability to adopt technology from abroad stimulates economic growth in the country that benefits from higher adoption rates but the beneficial effects also spread to the foreign country. Moreover, it helps explaining the differences in macro quantities and equity returns observed in the international data.
Asymmetric social norms
(2017)
Studies of cooperation in infinitely repeated matching games focus on homogeneous economies, where full cooperation is efficient and any defection is collectively sanctioned. Here we study heterogeneous economies where occasional defections are part of efficient play, and show how to support those outcomes through contagious punishments.
This paper sets the background for the Special Issue of the Journal of Empirical Finance on the European Sovereign Debt Crisis. It identifies the channel through which risks in the financial industry leaked into the public sector. It discusses the role of the bank rescues in igniting the sovereign debt crisis and reviews approaches to detect early warning signals to anticipate the buildup of crises. It concludes with a discussion of potential implications of sovereign distress for financial markets.
Low probability events are overweighted in the pricing of out-of the-money index puts and single stock calls. We find that this behavioral bias is strongly time-varying, linked to equity market sentiment, and higher moments of the risk-neutral density. An implied volatility (IV) sentiment measure that is jointly derived from index and single stock options explains investors' overweight of tail events the best. Our findings also suggest that IV-sentiment predicts equity markets reversals better than overweight of small probabilities itself. When employed in a trading strategy, IV-sentiment delivers economically significant results, which are more consistent than the ones produced by the market sentiment factor. The joint use of information from the single stock and index option markets seems to explain the forecasting power of IV-sentiment. Out-of-sample tests on reversal prediction show that our IV-sentiment measure adds value over and above traditional factors in the equity risk premium literature, especially as an equity-buying signal. This reversals prediction seems to improve time-series and cross-sectional momentum strategies.
BACKGROUND: The analysis of microarray time series promises a deeper insight into the dynamics of the cellular response following stimulation. A common observation in this type of data is that some genes respond with quick, transient dynamics, while other genes change their expression slowly over time. The existing methods for detecting significant expression dynamics often fail when the expression dynamics show a large heterogeneity. Moreover, these methods often cannot cope with irregular and sparse measurements.
RESULTS: The method proposed here is specifically designed for the analysis of perturbation responses. It combines different scores to capture fast and transient dynamics as well as slow expression changes, and performs well in the presence of low replicate numbers and irregular sampling times. The results are given in the form of tables including links to figures showing the expression dynamics of the respective transcript. These allow to quickly recognise the relevance of detection, to identify possible false positives and to discriminate early and late changes in gene expression. An extension of the method allows the analysis of the expression dynamics of functional groups of genes, providing a quick overview of the cellular response. The performance of this package was tested on microarray data derived from lung cancer cells stimulated with epidermal growth factor (EGF).
CONCLUSION: Here we describe a new, efficient method for the analysis of sparse and heterogeneous time course data with high detection sensitivity and transparency. It is implemented as R package TTCA (transcript time course analysis) and can be installed from the Comprehensive R Archive Network, CRAN. The source code is provided with the Additional file 1.
Donald Trump’s foreign policy agenda has been characterized as unpredictable, unprecedented and – after a telling neologism of the president himself – unpresidented. In this blog post I will argue that the constituent parts of Trump’s foreign policy are all but new. What is new is their combination. Moreover, while Trump’s Jeffersonianism-Jacksonianism stands in stark contrast to the Wilsonianism-Hamiltonianism that Hillary Clinton embraced during her election campaign, it is only a partial departure from Barack Obama’s Jeffersonianism-Hamiltonianism.
Das Yin und Yang des Terrors
(2017)
Man stelle sich folgendes Szenario vor: Björn Höcke und Abū Bakr al-Baġdādī diskutieren bei Sandra Maischberger darüber, welche Konsequenzen Deutschland aus dem islamistischen Terrorismus ziehen sollte – und sie sind sich dabei einig.
Die Fiktion mag hanebüchen klingen. Nicht nur, weil der Möchtegern-Kalif des „Islamischen Staats“ (IS) unter keinen Umständen als Gast einer deutschen Talkshow in Erscheinung treten könnte – oder auch nur wollte. Sondern auch, weil der Möchtegern-Goebbels aus Thüringen sich stets als ritterlicher Gegner der Islamisten präsentiert, deren Denken und Handeln völlig unvereinbar sei mit dem Willen des hiesigen Volkes, den die Rechtspopulisten zu repräsentieren meinen. Gleicht man allerdings die (migrations-)politischen Willensbekundungen, die AFD und Co. als Antwort auf den islamistischen Terror bieten, ab mit den politischen Reaktionen, die sich der IS von Anschlägen in Europa erhofft, fällt es schwer, hier einen Widerspruch zu sehen. Vielmehr lässt ein solcher Abgleich die deutschen – und auch europäischen – Rechtspopulisten, für die Höcke hier stellvertretend steht, fast schon als heimliche Partner des IS erscheinen, deren Absichten sich bestens mit den Vorstellungen der IS-Strategen ergänzen.
Damit ist ein dialektisches Problem angesprochen, das dem Umgang mit dem Terrorismus stets inhärent ist. Immerhin gehört es zu den Binsenweisheiten der Konfliktforschung, dass terroristische Akteure Reaktionen provozieren wollen, die ihnen neue Handlungsmöglichkeiten eröffnen. Und dies wiederum verweist darauf, dass Politiker und Sicherheitsbehörden, aber auch die Medien dabei (ungewollt) zu Erfüllungsgehilfen werden können, wenn deren Reflexe dem terroristischen Kalkül entsprechen. Die Dynamik des Terrors speist sich eben nicht nur aus den Aktionen der Terroristen, sondern auch aus dem Verhalten ihrer Antagonisten und der Öffentlichkeit. Um jene Dynamik zu verstehen, reicht daher der Blick auf terroristische Strategien keineswegs aus. Vielmehr ist deren Effekt von den Reaktionen relationaler Akteure abhängig. Wer also dem Terrorismus das Wasser abgraben will, der muss – so paradox das klingt – auch Vorsicht gegenüber denen walten lassen, die Anstoß an ihm nehmen.
Diese Prämisse eröffnet eine kritische Perspektive auf Formen des Anti-Terrorismus. Denn demnach können Versuche, dem Terror die Stirn zu bieten, unbeabsichtigte (Neben-)Folgen mit sich bringen, welche die Dynamik des Terrors verstärken. Derartige backfire mechanisms sind es, die in diesem Beitrag problematisiert werden. Jedoch widmet er sich nicht der staatlichen Antiterrorpolitik, sondern erörtert, inwiefern das Zusammenspiel von Medien und Rechtspopulismus zur aktuellen Dynamik des islamistischen Terrorismus beiträgt. Diese Frage stellt sich vor dem Hintergrund, dass die jüngsten Anschläge in Europa eine virtuelle Form des Terrorismus darstellen, wo häufig Einzelpersonen im Namen des IS agieren, aber kaum bis gar nicht im Kontakt mit der Organisation standen. Es scheint daher die Vermutung nicht abwegig, dass co-konstitutive Faktoren – wie die Berichterstattung über den Terror und anti-muslimische Diskurse – eine nicht unbedeutende Rolle bei deren Radikalisierung und Aktivierung spielen.