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Der vorliegende Arbeitsbericht ist die Zusammenfassung eines Beitrags zu einem von Prof, Dr. H. Seiler geleitetem "Field-work-Seminar" mit Japanisch als exemplarischer Objektsprache. In diesem Seminar wurden praktische Verfahren und Methoden erörtert, die der Linguist im field work benutzen muß, um seine Arbeit, Data zu kollationieren und diese gleichzeitig auch schon einer Voranalyse zu unterziehen, rationell und deskriptiv adäquat durchzuführen. […] Die Ausdrücke "phonetisch", "phonemisch", ':morphophonemisch" etc. sind im folgenden lediglich als prätheoretische Begriffe aufzufassen. Die Übergänge von einer "phonetischen" zu einer "phonemischen" und von dieser zu einer "morphophonemlschen" Notierung usw. sind hier verstanden als nach gewissen Plausibilitätskriterien durchgeführte Abstrahierungen, die ein sinnvolles Aufstellen und Behandeln des Corpus ermöglichen sollen. Damit ist die Frage der, Struktur und des Status eines "morphophonemischen Teils" im Rahmen eines spezifischen Grammatikmodells weder gestellt noch beantwortet.
Die folgende Studie steht in Verbindung mit einer intersprachlichen Untersuchung zu der Dimension des sprachlichen Erfassens von Gegenständen im Rahmen des Kölner Projekts für Universalienforschung und Typologie (UNITYP). Im ersten Kapitel werden die zugrundeliegenden theoretischen Begriffe der sprachlichen Universalien und Typologie sowie die Dimension des Erfassens von Gegenständen kurz erörtert, um die Ziele dieser Arbeit in Beziehung zum Forschungsplan des UNITYPs zu setzen. Im zweiten Kapitel wird das Phänomen klassifikatorischer Verben zunächst definiert, und dann werden Systeme klassifikatorischer Verben in ausgewählten Einzelsprachen beschrieben. Abschließend wird der Versuch gemacht, zu zeigen, inwieweit die für eine Einzelsprache beschriebene Erscheinung ein typologisches Charakteristikum der betreffenden Sprachfamilie bzw. Sprachgruppe ist, um damit die Verbreitung von klassifikatorischen Verben in nordamerikanischen Indianersprachen vorläufig abzustecken. Im dritten Kapitel werden Verallgemeinerungen aus den im zweiten Kapitel vorgelegten Daten gezogen, um eine vorläufige typologische Beschreibung der Erscheinung "klassifikatorische Verben" zu erzielen und somit ihre Stellung in der Dimension des Erfassens von Gegenständen sowie in einer konzept-orientierten Typologie zu charakterisieren.
Bei dieser Arbeit geht es darum, das Funktionieren der Nomen:Verb-Relationierung in ausgewählten Einzelsprachen Nordasiens darzustellen. Es sollen (a) die sprachlichen Kategorisierungen innerhalb des betrachteten Bereichs beschrieben und (b) die Variation bei der Kodifizierung untersucht werden. Drei Sprachen Nordasiens werden herangezogen: Wogulisch, Jurakisch und Jukagirisch. Das Wogulische (7700 Sprecher) ist eine ugrische Sprache; Wogulisch und Ostjakisch werden als obugrische Sprachen zusammengefasst und dem etwas entfernter verwandten Ungarischen gegenübergestellt. Das Wogulische lebt in Westsibirien zwischen Ural und Ob; es zerfällt in vier Dialektgruppen: Nordwogulisch (Sosva, obere Lozva), Südwestwogulisch (Pelymka), Tavda-Wogulisch und Südostwogulisch (Konda). Das Jurakische (oder Nenzische) ist eine samojedische Sprache. Es bildet mit dem Enzischen und dem Nganassanischen die nordsamojedische Gruppe; die nordsamojedische Gruppe steht als eine Untereinheit der samojedischen Sprachen dem Selkupischen einerseits und dem Kamassinischen andererseits gegenüber. Das Jurakische wird in einem weiten Gebiet im äußersten Norden der Sowjetunion von der Halbinsel Kanin im Westen bis zum Mündungsgebiet des Jenissej im Osten gesprochen. Es zerfällt in zwei deutlich voneinander geschiedene Dialektgruppen, das Tundrajurakische (etwa 27 000 Sprecher) und das Waldjurakische (etwa 1000 Sprecher). Das Jukagirische (600 Sprecher) ist lange als Isolat betrachtet worden, hat sich aber inzwischen als mit den finno-ugrischen und den samojedischen Sprachen genetisch verwandt herausgestellt (vgl. Collinder 1940 u. 1957, Tailleur 1959; Krejnovit 1982, S. 3 f.). Es wird in zwei Dialekten (Tundra- und Kolyma-Jukagirisch) im äußersten Nordosten Sibiriens gesprochen.
This paper is concerned with anticausative verbs (or verb-forms), or shortly, anticausatives. [...] [C]ausative/non-causative pairs with a marked non-causative are quite frequent in the languages of the world. However, so far they have not received sufficient attention in general and typological linguistics, a fact which is also manifested in the absence of a generally recognized term for this phenomenon […]. This paper therefore deals with the most important properties of anticausatives (particularly semantic conditions on them), their relationship to other areas of grammar as well as their historical development in different languages. The grammatical domain of transitivity, valence and voice, where the anticausative belongs, takes up a central position in grammar and consequently the present discussion should be of considerable interest to general comparative (or typological) linguists.
The present article is a crosslinguistic discussion of the distinction between a word class of nouns and a word class of verbs in the UNI TYP framework of the dimension of PARTICIPATION (for a first overall sketch of PARTICIPATION see Seiler 1984). According to this framework the noun/verb-distinction (henceforth N/V-D) must be regarded as a gradable, continuous phenomenon ranging from the stage of a clear-cut distinction with no overlap to almost a non-distinction. Although there is no question that most, if not all, languages do differentiate between nouns and verbs, it is also quite apparent that the languages do so to a different degree and by different means, and that it only makes sense to use the terms "noun" and "verb" in different languages when one actually has a common functional denominator in mind (see below). After a general introduction to the notion of a noun/verb-continuum (chapter 1) the reader will be presented with a survey of languages as diverse as German. English, Russian, Hebrew, Turkish, Salish. and Tongan (see chapter 2) in support of the continuum hypothesis. In chapter 3 the facts are coordinated in an overall pattern of regularities underlying the Increase or decrease of categorical restrictions between the respective word classes. Also, chapter 3 raises the issue to what degree a N/V-D can be considered a matter of certain lexemes or a matter of the morphosyntactic environment of certain lexical units. Lastly, we shall seek for an answer to the question why it is not a necessary requirement for languages to draw a sharp distinction between a word class of nouns and a word class of verbs.
Aspectos dos tempos verbais
(1998)
In this paper I present two tenses of the German verbal system, the so called Doppelperfekt and Doppelplusquamperfekt. Although these tenses have only been marginally dealt with in the grammars, more studies have recently been made on them within the field of Linguistics. In order to describe these tenses, I will concentrate on the following authors: Hauser-Suida & Hoppe-Beugel (1972), Eroms (1984), Thieroff (1992) und Vater (1994). The tenses will be analysed formally and their meaning and usage illustrated with examples taken from the articles above.
This paper aims to present a type of verb which serves to connect two or more propositions to each other in a way similar to that carried out by connectors such as conjunctions and prepositions. It is the objective of this paper to classify the types of semantic connections they establish, such as cause and effect, equivalence, and temporality. Verbs with this type of connectivity are called "connection verbs". They are investigated both in German and Portuguese, organized according to the semantic relations they indicate, and described by means of syntactic and semantic criteria.
Aktionsart
(1999)
This paper presents a discussion on aspect and 'Aktionsart' as categories of verbal forms in German and Portuguese. The distinction between the two categories is based on the assumption that 'Aktionsart' is more important in the German verb system, whereas aspect plays a more significant role in Portuguese. Aspect as a morpho-semantic category may be further specified by 'Akrionsart', which is a lexical semantic category and belongs to the meaning of the verb.
It is argued that there is a surprising gap in the distribution of adverbial modifiers, namely that there are (practically) no adverbs that modify exclusively stative verbs. Given the general range of selectional restrictions associated with adverb/verb modification, this comes as a surprise. It is argued that this gap cannot be the result of standard selectional restrictions. An independently motivated account of the state-event verb contrast, in which state verbs are proposed to lack Davidsonian arguments is presented and argued to account for this stative adverb gap. Some apparent and real problems with the analysis are discussed.
This paper deals with the emergence of verb morphology in one German child up to the time mini-paradigms occur in the data. I will focus on the role of protomorphology as a transitional stage between rote learning and the productive use of morphological distinctions.
This 18th issue of ZAS-Papers in Linguistics consists of papers on the development of verb acquisition in 9 languages from the very early stages up to the onset of paradigm construction. Each of the 10 papers deals with first-Ianguage developmental processes in one or two children studied via longitudinal data. The languages involved are French, Spanish, Russian, Croatian, Lithuanien, Finnish, English and German. For German two different varieties are examined, one from Berlin and one from Vienna. All papers are based on presentations at the workshop 'Early verbs: On the way to mini-paradigms' held at the ZAS (Berlin) on the 30./31. of September 2000. This workshop brought to a close the first phase of cooperation between two projects on language acquisition which has started in October 1999:
a) the project on "Syntaktische Konsequenzen des Morphologieerwerbs" at the ZAS (Berlin) headed by Juergen Weissenborn and Ewald Lang, and financially supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, and
b) the international "Crosslinguistic Project on Pre- and Protomorphology in Language Acquisition" coordinated by Wolfgang U. Dressler in behalf of the Austrian Academy of Sciences.
In these conclusions we can deal only with some of the tentative comparative results of the workshop papers on the early development of verb morphology. The main focus is on criteria of how the child detects morphology and how this emerging morphological competence develops in its earliest phases. In view of the purpose and tentative character of these conclusions, all references will be limited to the papers of the workshop and to earlier studies by workshop participants within the "Crosslinguistic Project on Pre- and Protomorphology in Language Acquisition". Much more will be given in the projected final publication.
Introduction
(2000)
In this paper the first results concerning the development of early verb morphology in an L1-English speaking child are presented. Adopting the framework of morphological development of Dressler (Dressler, this volume) the data of a girl from the CHILDES database, Nina of the Suppes corpus, is analysed with regard to the emergence of early verbal categories (e.g. number and person) and their appearance in a first mini-paradigm. In the sessions analysed so far the child Nina has reached an age of 2;2 when the first mini-paradigm emerges.
This paper deals with early verb development (e.g., person, tense) until the emergence of verb-paradigms in two French-speaking children.
I will show the parallelism between the two children in the gradual building of paradigms, despite considerable differences in the rate of development. Individual differences on the other hand will bring me to reconsider the broad category of premorphological rote-learnt forms which already displays some patterning in one of the children's data.
This paper studies the acquisition process of Spanish verbal morphology in a monolingual child. The study focuses on the period of the first 50 verb lemmas. This covers the period from age 1;7 till 1;10.
The data shows that the verb acquisition process of this Spanish child follows three main stages:
1. A lexical stage in which verbs are only acquired as a lexical element.
2. A syntactic stage in which the verb, still contemplated as a non-split word, becomes the main element in the development of thematic and semantic relations.
3. A morphological stage in which verb suffixes begin to be analysed separately. At this stage, the relationship between form and meaning starts and the functional categories linked to the verb (tense, aspect, agreement, mood... ) begin to be acquired. Just at this moment, the first miniparadigms appear, which suggests that the acquisition process of verb morphology has started.
The first two stages are premorphological and cover in our child the period till 1;9. In the last stage, which begins at 1;10, the child enters the protomorphological stage.
The source of the data used in this paper are recordings of conversations with a Lithuanian girl, Rūta. Rūta lives in Vilnius and is the only child in the family. Both parents speak standard Lithuanian without dialectal influences. The recordings were taken on a free basis without a fixed schedule, then transcribed by the mother of the child, double-checked and coded in accordance with CHILDES by the author of the paper. At the moment of writing this contribution the data taken between 1;7-2;5 have been fully processed. Over this period about 34.5 hours of recordings were collected.
This paper shows the early development of the first approximately 50 verbs found in the recorded speech production of one Croatian girl. The aim is to analyse and interpret the child's verb development in terms of the distinction of a pre- and a protomorphological phase before modularised morphology in language acquisition (Dressler & Karpf 1995). Furthermore, focus will be laid on the emergence of first verb paradigms.
"Werden" plays an important role in German, especially as a copula and as an auxiliary verb. It constitutes the analytic (periphrastic) part of the verbal paradigm being used as an auxiliary by encoding the categories of Tense (Future), Mood (Conditional), and Diathesis (Passive).
The original meaning of PIE *uuerth- includes two basic readings – a terminative and an aterminative. Both of them have been used in the process of grammaticalisation of werden in constructions with participles and the infinitive. The terminative reading based on the feature "Change of a State" was originally the categorical marker of "werden" within the opposition "sein" vs. "werden", where "sein" indicated the meaning of "State". As a result of the further development which started in the later OHG period, the aterminative reading of "werden" in constructions with the Participle II mixed with the terminative one by establishing the Passive-Paradigm. This evolution forced "sein"+ Part. II into the periphery of the Diathesis where in NHG it is marked as a resultative (terminative) construction. On the other hand, werden + Participle I (later with Infinitive) did not establish aterminative readings due to the peculiarities of the semantics of the Participle I – form. In connection with the Infinitive the terminativity of werden developed in the process of its auxiliarisation to the prospective I prognostic reading in the future-tense perspective and to the epistemic reading in the perspective of the present tense. In the perspective of the past tense (cf. MHG "ward varen" {became ride}, "was ridden") it disappeared because in this perspective prospective or prognostic readings are impossible.
Außerhalb der indoeuropäischen Sprachen [erfreut sich] [d]ie Kategorie „Adjektiv“ […] einer geringeren Verbreitung als man als Laie vermuten würde, und es zeigen sich in nicht-indoeuropäischen Sprachen von den europäischen Sprachen stark verschiedene Aufteilungen der Welt in Nomina und Verba. Eine bisher nicht beschriebene Verteilung von Konzepten auf Wortarten in der Sprache Guarani, welche hauptsächlich in Paraguay gesprochen wird, ist das Thema dieser Arbeit.
German dialects vary in which of the possible orders of the verbs in a 3-verb cluster they allow. In a still ongoing empirical investigation that I am undertaking together with Tanja Schmid, University of Stuttgart (Schmid and Vogel (2004)) we already found that each of the six logically possible permutations of the 3-verb cluster in (1) can be found in German dialects.
Dialectal variation in german 3-verb clusters : a surface-oriented optimality theoretic account
(2004)
We present data from an empirical investigation on the dialectal variation in the syntax of German 3-verb clusters, consisting of a temporal auxiliary, a modal verb, and a predicative verb. The ordering possibilities vary greatly among the dialects. Some of the orders that we found occur only under particular stress assignments. We assume that these orders fulfil an information structural purpose and that the reordering processes are changes only in the linear order of the elements which is represented exclusively at the surface syntactic level, PF (Phonetic Form). Our Optimality theoretic account offers a multifactorial perspective on the phenomenon.
The aim of this paper is the exploration of an optimality theoretic architecture for syntax that is guided by the concept of "correspondence": syntax is understood as the mechanism of "translating" underlying representations into a surface form. In minimalism, this surface form is called "Phonological Form" (PF). Both semantic and abstract syntactic information are reflected by the surface form. The empirical domain where this architecture is tested are minimal link effects, especially in the case of "wh"-movement. The OT constraints require the surface form to reflect the underlying semantic and syntactic representations as maximally as possible. The means by which underlying relations and properties are encoded are precedence, adjacency, surface morphology and prosodic structure. Information that is not encoded in one of these ways remains unexpressed, and gets lost unless it is recoverable via the context. Different kinds of information are often expressed by the same means. The resulting conflicts are resolved by the relative ranking of the relevant correspondence constraints.
Setswana distinguishes between conjunctive and disjunctive verb forms in the present positive tense. Creissels (1996) shows that this is also true of a number of other tenses (present negative, future positive and perfect positive). This work is used as a starting point to investigate the conjunctive/disjunctive distinction in my own Setswana data. Further to those presented in Creissels, there is data on the past and past progressive tenses, and environments such as relatives and subordinates. Creissels' analysis is supported by different examples, including those that do not utilise a frame intended to limit boundary effects. There are also examples not within this frame that raise questions about how flexible the conjunctive/disjunctive system can be. This paper is a work in progress.
Da die Verbzweitstellung nach 'weil' immer noch fast ausschließlich Angelegenheit der mündlichen Kommunikation ist, wurden die bisherigen Analysen hauptsächlich anhand von Korpora der gesprochenen Sprache durchgeführt. In geschriebenen Texten wird 'weil'-Verbzweitstellung gemieden, es sei denn, dass es sich um Texte handelt, welche die gesprochene Sprache simulieren. So kann man die Hauptsatzstellung nach 'weil' vor allem in belletristischen Werken finden, in denen ihre Autoren im Rahmen der Figurenrede den mündlichen Sprachgebrauch nachahmen. Zu Autoren, die sich der Sprachmittel der gesprochenen Sprache - darunter auch der Verbzweitstellung nach 'weil' - in ausgiebigem Maße bedienen, gehört der österreichische Schriftsteller Wolf Haas. Weil Romane von Haas eine Menge von Belegen dieses Phänomens anbieten, wurde der Gebrauch von 'weil'-Sätzen in einem seiner Romane einer Analyse unterzogen, deren Ergebnisse im Folgenden vorgestellt werden.
The paper investigates the interpretation of the Romanian subjunctive B (subjB) mood when it is embedded under the propositional attitude verb crede (believe). SubjB is analyzed as a single package of three distinct presuppositions: temporal de se, dissociation and propositional de se. I show that subjB is the temporal analogue of null PRO in the individual domain: it allows only for a de se reading. Dissociation enables us to show that subjB always takes scope over a negation embedded in a belief report. Propositional de se derives this empirical generalization. The introduction of centered propositions (generalizing centered worlds), together with propositional de se, dissociation and the belief 'introspection' principles, derives the fact that subjB belief reports (unlike their indicative counterparts) are infelicitous with embedded probabil.
In this paper I present five alternations of the verb system of Modern Greek, which are recurrently mapped on the syntactic frame NPi__NP. The actual claim is that only the participation in alternations and/or the allocation to an alternation variant can reliably determine the relation between a verb derivative and its base. In the second part, the conceptual structures and semantic/situational fields of a large number of “-ízo” derivatives appearing inside alternation classes are presented. The restricted character of the conceptual and situational preferences inside alternations classes suggests the dominant character of the alternations component.
Nicht nur literarische Werke und Figuren, Schriftsteller und Festschriftempfänger – auch Verben können zu Grenzgängern werden. Während das Grenzgängertum in der ersten Gruppe meist äußeren Umständen wie z.B. Migration geschuldet ist, gibt es bei Verben eigentlich keinen Grund, zu Grenzgängern zu werden. Dennoch kommt es immer wieder zu solchen Phänomenen. Dies impliziert, dass es überhaupt Grenzen gibt, die die Verben in bestimmte Rubriken verweisen; dies sind üblicherweise die sog. Flexionsklassen, etwa in Gestalt der starken und schwachen Klasse. Dieser Beitrag befasst sich mit Grenzen im Verbalbereich, illustriert anhand einiger skandinavischer Verben. In einem weiteren Schritt sollen auch Grenzziehungen, Grenzveränderungen und Grenzauflösungen beleuchtet werden. Dabei stellt sich die Frage, wie unverbrüchlich Grenzen sind, und insbesondere, warum es überhaupt Flexionsklassen gibt und warum sie sich oft so hartnäckig erhalten. Solche Fragen wurden bisher viel zu selten gestellt. Schließlich werden temporäre und dauerhafte Grenzüberschreitungen von Verben beleuchtet. Dabei verharren bestimmte Verben über Jahrhunderte hinweg als Grenzgänger zwischen wohletablierten Klassen. Speziell solche Phänomene verlangen eine Begründung, denn Grenzen, so steht zu vermuten, sollten dazu dienen, eine gewisse Ordnung zu garantieren.
Ausgehend von der Engelschen Auffassung der Situativergänzungen wird hier an die Adverbialia mittels neu vorgeschlagener analytischer Verfahren herangegangen. Diese Studie leistet zum einen eine einheitliche Beschreibung bestimmter Verben - "stattfinden", "gebären", "sterben", "erschehen", "anfangen", "öffnen" und "beginnen" - und bietet zum anderen syntaktische, semantische, morphosyntaktische und kommunikative Unterscheidungsmittel für strittige Fälle bei der Unterscheidung zwischen adverbialen Ergänzungen und adverbialen Angaben. Das in diesem Aufsatz Dargestellte kann akzeptiert oder revidiert werden, aber der empirische Teil zeigt eindeutige Ergebnisse.
This paper employs empirical methods to examine verbs such as seem, for which the traditional raising to subject analysis relates pairs of sentences which differ by taking an infinitival or sentential complement. A corpus-driven investigation of the verbs seem and appear demonstrates that information structure and evidentiality both play a determinate role in the choice between infinitival or sentential complementation. The second half of the paper builds upon the corpus results and examines the implications for the standard claims concerning these constructions. First, pairs of sentences related by the subject-to-subject raising analysis of verbs are often viewed as equivalent. New evidence from indefinite generic subjects shows that whether an indefinite generic subject occurs in the infinitival or sentential complement construction leads to truth-conditional differences. Further implications are explored for the claim that subjects of the infinitival variant may take narrow-scope: once various confounds are controlled for, the subject of the infinitival construction is shown to most naturally take wide-scope.
The aim of this article is to follow the changes that took place in the history of easy-to-please constructions. To fully apprehend that, we will begin by looking at Middle English infinitives and the change which affected them. Our attempt here is to prove that Early Middle English to was at its intermediate stage of development, i.e. it was neither a preposition nor inflection. In Late Middle English, to reached its final stage of a gradual evolution heading TR On account of the analysis of to and infinitives in Middle English, new constructions in which easv-to-please appear will be explained.
Der immer stärker spürbare Bedarf nach schnell rezipierbaren kurzen Textformen hängt unter anderem mit der Erwartung einer effektiven Informationsverdichtung zusammen. Eine sehr wichtige Rolle spielen dabei Sprachökonomie und Informationskondensierung. Der Beitrag konzentriert sich auf infinite Konstruktionen mit Partizipien und Infinitiven, die in bestimmten Textsorten ein besonders effektives stilistisches Mittel darstellen. Partizipien sind dank ihres verbalen Charakters fähig, durch Ergänzungen und Angaben erweiterte Partizipialattribute zu bilden und somit eine Aussage zu verdichten. Der instruierende Infinitiv wird häufig als Ersatzform des Imperativs verwendet. Als sprachökonomisches Stilmittel trägt er zur Übersichtlichkeit des Textes bei. In Fachtexten ist es dann vor allem der modale Infinitiv, der zur Einsparung von sprachlichem Mehraufwand dient.
Rezension zu Reiner, Tabea (2013): Prospektive Verben im Deutschen. An der Schnittstelle von lexikalischer Semantik und Satzsyntax. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, ISBN 978-3-8253-6263-8, 199 S.
Bei der vorliegenden Monographie handelt es sich um die überarbeitete, 2012 verteidigte Dissertation von Tabea Reiner, wobei das Neue an dem Ansatz sich vor allem aus der induktiven Vorgehensweise ergibt: Unvoreingenommen wird eine Datenmenge (108 Verben) ausgehend von ihrer lexikalisch-semantischen Bedeutung hinsichtlich ausgewählter syntaktischer Realisierungen für sich und in authentischer Verwendung analysiert. Dabei handelt es sich um die im Titel genannten prospektiven Verben, eine offene, lexikalische Verbklasse, der bisher nur am Rande eine gewisse Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt wurde.
Causative, which is analyzed in the context of voice, differs widely in Turkish and German languages. A causative can be obtained nearly from each verb in Turkish language while this category is not productive in German Language. Like prefixes, which are of great importance in German language, the causative has the same significance in Turkish language. Causatives can be divided into three: a) lexical causative, causative existing in words' own meaning; for instance, there exists such a relationship between the words "slide" and "fall"; b) morphological causative consists of morphemes (öl-dür-t-mek); c) whereas, the context is important for the operant causative. When we say “It smells gas in here’ it may have been intended to open a window and we can make it done. There is a direct connection between the causative and causality. Because, in causative instead of doing something directly, it may be caused to be done or occurred. The notion of causative in German has been reviewed in the semantic context at a low degree. This is because of the fact that, morphological causative verbs are fewer and new causative voices can't be formed. However, this issue has been handled in a very detailed manner especially at morphological level in Turkish language. There is even fine detail under the title causative itself. The most important characteristic of causative is to change the combination value of the verbs. However, the relation between causative and passive is just the opposite of this and asymmetric. Structures having semantic similarities with causatives and named as Funktionsverbgefüge (put into practice = apply) in German exist. Reciprocal voices and reflexive voices, the most important voices of Turkish language, generally allow the formation of causative verb.
Almanca dilbilgisinde tümcenin temel öğeleri genellikle eylem temel alınarak yapılır. Türkçe dilbilgisi için bu durum sözde kalmaktadır. Çünkü öğeler genellikle eylemin birleşim değeri göz önünde bulundurulmadan, o anda tümcede rastlantısal olarak bulunan öğeler olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Dolayısıyla, nitel araştırma yöntemiyle internetten ve basılı dokümanlardan elde edilen verilerin yorumlanmasıyla oluşan bu makalede, birleşim değeri çerçevesinde değerlendirme yapılmış olup eylemin gerektirdiği öğeler buna göre ele alınmalıdır. Diğer bir sorun da, Almanca dilbilgisi bağlamında üzerinde genel anlamda uzlaşılan, ancak Türkçede tartışmalı olan nesne terimi ve kavramıdır. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada genel anlamda nesne kavramından yola çıkılarak sonilgeçli nesne kavramına gelinecektir. Amaç, Türkçe - Almanca nesne türlerini karşılaştırmak değil, Türk dili bağlamında “nesne”nin daha iyi anlaşılmasını sağlamak için Almancadan da örnekler vermektir. Nesne teriminin Türkçede Akkusativobjekt ile sınırlı tutulmasının yanlış olduğu ve çıkma durumu nesnesi, bulunma durumu nesnesi, sonilgeçli nesne gibi terimlerin dilbilgisel bir gerçek olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Bu bağlamda Türkçede eyleyen (Aktant) olarak sonilgeçli nesne (Postpositionalobjekt) gerektiren eylemler olduğu saptanmıştır.
Um die zentralen Spracherscheinungen von den peripheren unterscheiden zu können, braucht man sprachliche Daten. Nicht nur aus dem Bedürfnis heraus, authentische Beispiele einfach und schnell finden zu können, greift man heutzutage nach Textkorpora unterschiedlicher Art. Im Beitrag wird am Beispiel des deutschen Verbs lassen gezeigt, wie man sich ein Parallelkorpus bei prachvergleichenden Analysen zu Nutze machen kann und wie man die Korpusbelege auswertet, um die zentralen Phänomene des jeweiligen Sprachsystems hervorzuheben.
Alternância dativa sob a perspectiva da gramática de construções : uma análise do verbo senden
(2017)
Este trabalho apresenta uma análise da alternância dativa do verbo senden da língua alemã. Os pressupostos teóricos da Gramática de Construções postulados por GOLDBERG (1995) no que concerne aos bitransitivos e suas paráfrases preposicionais e a abordagem da sensitividade ao núcleo verbal de RAPPAPORT HOVAV E LEVIN (2008) são comparados e utilizados como ferramenta de análise do corpus.Por meio deles, analisa-se se as construções constituídas pelo verbo senden e o sintagma preposicional an denotam um evento de posse causada ou de movimento causado. Apresentam-se preceitos abordados por Adler (2011) em seus estudos sobre a alternância dativa na língua alemã, que auxiliam na distinção do evento denotado pela construção. Assim, a pesquisa realizada corrobora as reflexões da autora sobre a nova faceta da preposição an que aparece em verbos de transferência - o addressee-an, sustentando sua argumentação sobre o fato de que não são as variantes do objeto duplo (dativo), ou do sintagma preposicional (no caso, an) as responsáveis pelo evento denotado pela construção, mas sim os argumentos que a constituem. Essa pesquisa também propõe outro tipo de classificação para a análise de verbos da língua alemã que denotam eventos de transferência em orações destituídas de agente volitivo: evento causal como transferência (GOLDBERG 1995), no qual X CAUSA Y (AFETADO)A RECEBER Z (EFEITO).
Carlotta J. Hübener diskutiert in ihrem Beitrag "Nicht/keinen/kein Fußball spielen? - Inkorporationsprozesse in Substantiv-Verb-Verbindungen" Inkorporationprozesse bei Substantiv-Verb-Verbindungen wie bspw. Fußball spielen. Hierbei fokussiert sie auf die Negation: Während kein(en) Fußball spielen einen Hinweis darauf gibt, dass Fußball noch als eigenständiges Substantiv interpretiert wird, ist nicht Fußball spielen ein Indiz dafür, dass Fußball und spielen als eine konzeptionelle Einheit wahrgenommen werden. Kein negiert nämlich Nomen (Ich mag keinen Spinat), während nicht Verben negiert (Ich hab‘ noch nicht gegessen). Hübener überprüft in ihrem Beitrag anhand des Deutschen Referenzkorpus, inwiefern Frequenz, Idiomatik und Individuiertheit Einfluss auf die Negation von Substativ-Verb-Verbindungen nehmen können.
Mauscheln
(2018)
Der Begriff 'Mauscheln' ist paradox: er existiert in keiner anderen Sprache als im Deutschen und ist unübersetzbar. Als Fremdwort wird er zumindest im Englischen gebraucht, doch aus dem deutschen Wortschatz ist er heute verschwunden, zumindest soweit dieser ein öffentlicher ist. 'Mauscheln' ist verpönt, obwohl der Begriff seit dem 17. Jahrhundert weit verbreitet war. Als Ausdruck des "Verhältnisses zwischen Juden und Christen in Deutschland" haften ihm antisemitische Stereotypen über den betrügerischen Juden an. Seine Geschichte hält die Erfahrung fest, dass die "Verfolgung und Vernichtung der Juden durch sprachliche Agitation vorbereitet" wurde. Sie geht allerdings nicht in dieser Erfahrung auf.
Multiple exponence in morphology has recently attracted a good deal of attention (see, among others, Harris 2017; Caballero & Inkelas 2018). In this paper, I examine Modern Greek verbs which take an extra verbalizer (implicit multiple exponence). The simple base (bare form) and the base with the verbalizer co-exist in the lexicon without any semantic or aspectual opposition and can be used in the same syntactic context. Thus, they raise important questions for morphological theory. I argue that the explanation of this pleonastic addition may be hidden in the relation between inflection and derivation and the polyfunctional character of verbalizers in synthetic languages. Since the two forms co-exist and one member of each pair features an idiomatic association of meaning and complex form, morphological theory is challenged. I argue that these formations find a natural account within the framework of Construction Morphology (Booij 2010; Jackendoff & Audring 2019).
This paper explores utterances in the form of causal clauses introduced by the conjunction 'weil' in conversational German. The focus of this research is the relationship between the position of the finite verb in the clause and the type of explanation or clarification uttered in authentic conversation. The research shows that in addition to a previously recognized category of 'weil'-utterances with a finite verb in the second position in the clause, there is also a category of weil-utterances of this type that express personal opinion or personal feeling.
This article deals with the development of -igen verbs in German since the Old High German period, demonstrating that this can be regarded as a process in which the adjective formation morpheme -ig gradually develops into a component of a word formation pattern that derives transitive verbs from nouns. An -igen-verb can be descended not only from an -ig-adjective (würdig – würdigen) but also from a noun without an intermediary -ig-adjective (Pein – *peinig – peinigen). In this article, it is claimed that a word formation pattern with -ig develops over time. The emergence of this word formation pattern can be described as a "reanalysis" of the verb structure accompanied by a "resegmentation" of the original word structure and a semantic "remotivation" of the established unit. It is also pointed out that this development is particularly evident in the Middle High German period.