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Für die deutsche Minderheit spielte die deutschsprachige Presse immer eine bedeutende Rolle. Über sie bewahrte man die deutsche Sprache und wurde es möglich, Informationen in der Muttersprache zu bekommen. Für die tschechoslowakischen Deutschen übernahmen diese Rolle seit 1951 zuerst die Blätter Aufbau und Frieden und seit 1964 die Prager Volkszeitung. Der vorliegende Aufsatz behandelt die Rolle der Prager Volkszeitung für die Identitätsbildung der deutschen Minderheit. Er befasst sich mit der historischen Entwicklung dieser Zeitung bis zu ihrer Einstellung im Jahr 2005 und verfolgt, wie in den einzelnen geschichtlichen Abschnitten, vor allem in jenem bis 1968, dann von 1968 bis 1989 und schließlich seit 1989 das genannte Blatt die Existenz der Deutschen beeinflusst bzw. widergespiegelt hat.
This paper is intended to show how Latinos in general and Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans in particular, engage politically in the United States. Latinos execute their influence by voting or in non-electoral activities like campaign work or financial contributions. As an individual, one participates as a member of society and possibly as a member of an interest group, i.e. a party. Thus, to be successful, it is necessary to combine one’s personal interest with that of others in order to form an alliance that, due to its size, may have an impact on the political stage. This study will show which factors are necessary and which steps were taken to gain and enhance Latino political influence. In doing so, it will become clear that Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans all started their struggle from diverse backgrounds and possess significantly different goals. Although common language unites these three national-origin groups, they do not have the same political and economic resources at their disposal. Decisive differences in immigration politics, naturalization, and economic opportunities become visible and will prove a distinct heterogeneity of Latinos concerning political behavior and goals. Political activities of Mexican Americans, Cuban Americans, and Puerto Ricans will be outlined as well as how they differ from each other. In doing so, it is necessary to take notice of their specific histories and legal experiences upon arrival in the United States. Furthermore, different demographic factors of the three national-origin groups additionally affect political participation. An understanding of Latino political participation should be in the interest of the U.S. public as well as scholars engaging in American Studies. This biggest minority increasingly makes its presence felt in the electoral arena, especially at the state level. In states such as California, Texas, Florida and New Mexico Latinos constitute decisive voting blocs. But also, Latinos nationwide enlarge their political clout, due to cumulative numbers and a more developed political consciousness. With this national and state level significance of the Latino electorate, examining their policy preferences and goals has become progressively more important to the understanding of the U.S. political scene. The approach here is twofold. First, political participation of the Latino population as a whole will be researched; using numbers and results from the presidential election 2004. In this part of the paper, the concept of pan-ethnicity using the label Latino will be used to sum up Spanish-speaking nationalities and their political efforts. In order to be eligible to vote, certain legal requirements are to be met, so factors that account for voting will be outlined first. In accordance with the large share of non-citizens among the Latino population, it is also necessary to examine their non-electoral political activities. The second part will portray Latinos in more detail, examining the three largest national-origin groups. By demonstrating their specific histories and varied experiences and opportunities in U.S. politics, it will become clear that when talking about Latino Politics, it is indispensable to bear in mind the heterogeneity of America’s biggest minority and the side effects this has.
À guisa de conclusão, e de acordo com Morais e Correia (1993), as causas da crise que vivem as populações pastoris e agropastoris do Sul de Angola que, inclusivamente as põem em risco de extinção, são os fracos apoios nos serviços de produção animal, a degradação da captação e retenção da água e a liberalização do comércio. Daí que, ao invés de se fazer dos Ovimbundu bode expiatório de alguns dos males que afectam esses grupos, dever-se-ia, como é óbvio, reforçar as capacidades locais, visando promover uma melhor adaptação dos Muíla, Kuvale e outros grupos da região para integrá-los, da melhor maneira, no contexto social e económico vigente em Angola. Isso não é apenas uma acção humanitária, mas o respeito dos direitos das populações marginalizadas e que necessitam também de se sentiram cidadãos. Por outras palavras: uma questão de Direitos Humanos.
Wie sollen – erstens – zehntausende disparate literaturhistorische Daten verarbeitet, wie soll eine Literatur beschrieben und dem Abnehmer, Leser, Forscher nähergebracht werden, die zu 80 % unbekannte, nie kanonisierte – oder längst nicht mehr kanonisierte – Größen und Erscheinungen darbietet (die wohlgemerkt zu 90 % zurecht unbekannt und unkanonisiert sind), und wo auf die übrigen 20 % höhere – und also entscheidendere – Beheimatungsansprüche gestellt werden? [...] Wie soll – zweitens – eine Literatur gehandhabt werden, die „nicht zentral“ ist, sondern, im besseren Falle das Attribut „regional“, im schlimmeren Falle „provinziell“ trägt, was freilich keine objektiven, etwa geographisch fundierten Begriffe sind, sondern ideologische Metaphern, die die zentrale Literaturgeschichtsschreibung als Waffen benutzt, um die regionale Literatur an den Rand, ins Provinzielle, Abweichende, künstlerisch Unzureichende zu drücken? [...] Wie soll – drittens – eine Literatur gehandhabt werden, die nicht Objekt der nationalen Philologie ist (in Tschechien also der Bohemistik), sondern fremdsprachige Äußerung eines Ethnikums, das auf diesem Gebiet nicht mehr lebt und dessen vormalige Existenz man am liebsten vergessen würde?
Focusing on the specific case of knowledge production in and about Iran, in this chapter, we discuss the risk of reproducing a Northern perspective in the attempts to produce knowledge on and through the Global South(s). We argue that such reproduction leads to cognitive suppression, further peripheralization, or even recolonization of the South(s). We also stress the lasting effects of methodological nationalism among attempts at decolonization and its political consequences, such as in the adoption of nativist discourses historically connected to the 'Islamic' Revolution by scholars focusing on the Global South(s) and in area studies concerning Iran. To avoid these effects, we suggest considering the politics of scale in our recognition and problematization of the hierarchization of Northern and Southern sites of knowledge production and their particularities.