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The causative/anticausative alternation has been the topic of much typological and theoretical discussion in the linguistic literature. This alternation is characterized by verbs with transitive and intransitive uses, such that the transitive use of a verb V means roughly "cause to Vintransitive" (see Levin 1993). The discussion revolves around two issues: the first one concerns the similarities and differences between the anticausative and the passive, and the second one concerns the derivational relationship, if any, between the transitive and intransitive variant. With respect to the second issue, a number of approaches have been developed. Judging the approach conceptually unsatisfactory, according to which each variant is assigned an independent lexical entry, it was concluded that the two variants have to be derivationally related. The question then is which one of the two is basic and where this derivation takes place in the grammar. Our contribution to this discussion is to argue against derivational approaches to the causative / anticausative alternation. We focus on the distribution of PPs related to external arguments (agent, causer, instrument, causing event) in passives and anticausatives of English, German and Greek and the set of verbs undergoing the causative/anticausative alternation in these languages. We argue that the crosslinguistic differences in these two domains provide evidence against both causativization and detransitivization analyses of the causative / anticausative alternation. We offer an approach to this alternation which builds on a syntactic decomposition of change of state verbs into a Voice and a CAUS component. Crosslinguistic variation in passives and anticausatives depends on properties of Voice and its combinations with CAUS and various types of roots.
In this paper we compare the distribution of PPs introducing external arguments in nominalizations with PPs introducing external arguments in the verbal domain. We show that several mismatches exist between the behavior of PPs in nominalizations and PPs in the verbal domain. This leads us to suggest that while PPs in the verbal domain are licensed by functional structure alone, within the nominal domain, PPs can also be licensed via an interplay of the encyclopaedic meaning of the root involved and the properties of the preposition itself. This second mechanism kicks in in the absence of functional structure.
Die Idee photolabile Schutzgruppen zur temporären Inaktivierung von Biomolekülen zu verwenden, um deren Funktion dann in einem biologischen System präzise orts- und zeitaufgelöst wieder zu aktivieren und so biologische Prozesse genau steuern zu können, wurde erstmals Ende der 1970er Jahre von J. W. Engels und von J. F. Hoffman verfolgt. Seit diesen ersten Arbeiten im Bereich des „Cagings“ wurde in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten eine Vielzahl von Arbeiten auf diesem Gebiet veröffentlicht und mit nahezu alle wichtigen Klassen von Biomolekülen wurden Caging-Experimente durchgeführt. Das Caging von Nukleinsäuren ist noch ein recht neues Feld. Es gab aber aufgrund der Beteiligung von Nukleinsäuren an vielen zentralen zellulären Prozessen im letzten Jahrzehnt ein enorm gesteigertes Interesse an lichtinduzierbaren Nukleinsäuren, vornehmlich zur lichtgesteuertem Genregulation. Der Arbeitskreis von Prof. Heckel befasst sich unter anderem mit dem Caging von Nukleinsäuren, wobei die zentrale Strategie im Anbringen der photolabilen Schutzgruppen an den Nukleobasen besteht. Dies hat den Hintergrund, dass auf diese Art und Weise die Wechselwirkung mit anderen Strängen durch Störung der Watson-Crick-Basenpaarung verhindert werden kann. Die Watson-Crick-Basenpaarung ist das zentrale Element für die Funktionalität nahezu aller Nukleinsäure-vermittelter Prozesse. In den vergangenen Jahren konnte mit dieser Strategie unter anderem erfolgreich die Aktivität von siRNAs und Aptameren mit Licht kontrolliert werden. Alle vier Projekte, welche in dieser Arbeit verfolgt wurden, befassten sich mit dem Caging von Nukleinsäuren. ...
It has often been noticed that one syntactic argument position can be realized by elements which seem to realize different thematic roles. This is notably the case with the external argument position of verbs of change of state which licenses volitional agents, instruments or natural forces/causers, showing the generality and abstractness of the external argument relation. (1) a. John broke the window (Agent) b. The hammer broke the window (Instrument) c. The storm broke the window (Causer) In order to capture this generality, Van Valin & Wilkins (1996) and Ramchand (2003) among others have proposed that the thematic role of the external argument position is in fact underspecified. The relevant notion is that of an effector (in Van Valin & Wilkins) or of an abstract causer/initiator (in Ramchand). In this paper we argue against a total underspecification of the external argument relation. While we agree that (1b) does not instantiate an instrument theta role in subject position, we argue that a complete underspecification of the external theta-position is not feasible, but that two types of external theta roles have to be distinguished, Agents and Causers. Our arguments are based on languages where Agents and Causers show morpho-syntactic independence (section 2.1) and the behavior of instrument subjects in English, Dutch, German and Greek (section 2.2 and 3). We show that instrument subjects are either Agent or Causer like. In section (4) we give an analysis how arguments realizing these thematic notions are introduced into syntax.
Aptamers that can be regulated with light allow precise control of protein activity in space and time and hence of biological function in general. In a previous study, we showed that the activity of the thrombin-binding aptamer HD1 can be turned off by irradiation using a light activatable "caged" intramolecular antisense-domain. However, the activity of the presented aptamer in its ON state was only mediocre. Here we studied the nature of this loss in activity in detail and found that switching from 5'- to 3'-extensions affords aptamers that are even more potent than the unmodified HD1. In particular we arrived at derivatives that are now more active than the aptamer NU172 that is currently in phase 2 clinical trials as an anticoagulant. As a result, we present light-regulatable aptamers with a superior activity in their ON state and an almost digital ON/OFF behavior upon irradiation.