Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (803) (remove)
Language
- English (293)
- Portuguese (199)
- German (180)
- Spanish (62)
- Italian (24)
- French (11)
- Ukrainian (9)
- slo (7)
- Multiple languages (4)
- Catalan (3)
Has Fulltext
- yes (803)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (803)
Keywords
- Adorno (51)
- Critical Theory (27)
- Reconhecimento (26)
- Recognition (24)
- Axel Honneth (23)
- global justice (23)
- Theodor W. Adorno (20)
- critical theory (20)
- Teoria Crítica (19)
- Frankfurt School (18)
Institute
- Gesellschaftswissenschaften (803) (remove)
Kryotechnologien bezeichnen Verfahren des Kühlens und Einfrierens. Wie verändert deren Einsatz in immer mehr Feldern unser Verständnis von Lebensprozessen und gesellschaftliche Grundannahmen? Mit welchen Erwartungen werden Menschen heute durch verschiedene Nutzungsformen dieser Technologien konfrontiert? Fragen wie diese versucht das Projekt "Cryosocieties" des Soziologen Prof. Thomas Lemke an der Goethe-Universität zu beantworten. Im Fokus stehen die sozialen, kulturellen und moralischen Dimensionen der Sammlung, Lagerung und Nutzung von menschlichem und nichtmenschlichem organischem Material durch kryotechnologische Verfahren. Seit April 2019 wird das Projekt als ERC Advanced Investigator Grant des Europäischen Forschungsrats gefördert. Die Förderung ist auf fünf Jahre angelegt. ...
L’arrêt Lüth – 50 ans après
(2019)
Même 50 ans plus tard, l’arrêt Lüth, rendu par la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale le 15 janvier 1958, n’a rien perdu de son actualité. Il confère durablement à la liberté d’expression un rang primordial pour le débat public démocratique et marque le point de départ du développement d’une dogmatique des droits fondamentaux spécifiquement allemande, à l’origine d’un renforcement des compétences et de la puissance particulières de la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale. Les raisons qui expliquent l’approche particulière de résolution de conflits entre droits suivie dans l’arrêt Lüth ne laissent pas présager un abandon de cette jurisprudence, abandon qui ne serait d’ailleurs ni souhaitable ni réaliste.
Representation is a process of making, accepting, or rejecting representative claims (Disch, 2015; Saward, 2014). This groundbreaking insight challenged the standard assumption that representative democracy can be reduced to elections and activities of elected representatives (Pitkin, 1967). It broadened the scope of representative democracy to encompass representation activities beyond those authorized by elections, transformed our thinking and provided a new perspective, putting claims and their reception into the center. This paradigm shift erased the distinction between elected and non-elected representatives and disclosed the potential of non-elected actors’ claims to represent (Andeweg, 2003; Kuyper, 2016; Rosanvallon & Goldhammer, 2008; Saward, 2006, 2009; Van Biezen & Saward, 2008). In spite of this lively debate, we identify an important gap in the literature: while this paradigmatic shift inspired many authors, conceptual frameworks that can be applied for systematic empirical analysis of real-life cases are missing. In this article, we fill this gap and propose frameworks for assessing and validating a variety of real-life claims. Our study provides empirical substance to the ongoing theoretical debates, helping to translate the mainly theoretical ‘claim approach’ into empirical research tools. It helps to transform the conventional wisdom about what representation can (not) be and shines a new light on the potential future of (claims on) representation.
The system of representative democracy is under considerable strain. Its institutions are struggling to maintain legitimacy, and its elected representatives are failing to keep their monopoly on (formal) political representation. An emerging multitude of (new) claim makers contests the authority of elected representatives as well as the functioning of the existing system of representative democracy by alleging misrepresentation. In this article, we identify a significant shortcoming in Saward’s claims-making approach; specifically, we argue that it offers little direction in addressing misrepresentation. We distinguish between claims of representation and claims of misrepresentation, and show how the latter can fulfill one, two or all three of the following functions: (1) they appeal to an enemy/antagonist (strategy), (2) identify causes of misrepresentation related to policies, politics, and polity (persuasion), and (3) claim to create a new linkage to "the people", sometimes present themselves as new representatives (reframing). To test this proposed framework, we compare claims of misrepresentation in Brazil made by civil society groups (before and during the presidential impeachment between 2014 and 2016) and in Germany (focusing on the parliamentarians of the Alternative for Germany during the first six months of mandate). Our results suggest that claims of misrepresentation are not intrinsically democratic or undemocratic, but are instead ambiguous, have different manifestations and disparate impacts on the representative system. Our article contributes to the conceptual development of the claims approach and to further understanding several critical and current challenges to representative democracy.
The established notion of political representation is challenged on multiple accounts—theoretically, conceptually, and empirically. The contributions to this thematic issue explore the constructivist turn as the means for rethinking political representation today around the world. The articles included here seek to reconsider representation by theoretically and empirically reassessing how representation is conceptualized, claimed and performed—in Western and non-Western contexts. In recognition that democratic representation in Western countries is in a process of fundamental transformation and that non-Western countries no longer aim at replicating established Western models, we look for representation around the world—specifically in: Belgium, Brazil, France, Germany, China, and India. This enables us to advance the study of representative democracy from a global perspective. We show the limits and gaps in the constructivist literature and the benefits of theory-driven empirical research. Finally, we provide conceptual tools and frameworks for the (comparative) study of claims of representation.
Relying on the theory of Saward (2010) and Disch (2015), we study political representation through the lens of representative claim-making. We identify a gap between the theoretical concept of claim-making and the empirical (quantitative) assessment of representative claims made in the real world’s representative contexts. Therefore, we develop a new approach to map and quantify representative claims in order to subsequently measure the reception and validation of the claims by the audience. To test our method, we analyse all the debates of the German parliament concerned with the introduction of the gender quota in German supervisory boards from 2013 to 2017 in a two-step process. At first, we assess which constituencies the MPs claim to represent and how they justify their stance. Drawing on multiple correspondence analysis, we identify different claim patterns. Second, making use of natural language processing techniques and logistic regression on social media data, we measure if and how the asserted claims in the parliamentary debates are received and validated by the respective audience. We come to the conclusion that the constituency as ultimate judge of legitimacy has not been comprehensively conceptualized yet.
Critique, and especially radical critique of reason, is under pressure from two opponents. Whereas the proponents of "post-critical" or "acritical" thinking denounce critique as an empty and self-righteous repetition of debunking, the decriers of "post-truth" accuse critique of having helped to bring about our current "post-truth" politics. Both advocate realism as a limit critique must respect, but Vogelmann defends the claim that we urgently need radical critiques of reason because they offer a more precise diagnosis of the untruths in politics the two opponents of critique are rightfully worried about. Radical critiques of reason are possible, he argues, if we turn our attention to the practices of criticizing, if we refrain from a sovereign epistemology, and if we pluralize reason without trivializing it. In order to demonstrate the diagnostic advantage of radical critiques of reason, he briefly analyzes the political and epistemic strategy at work in two exemplary untruths in politics.
Critique, and especially radical critique of reason, is under pressure from two opponents. Whereas the proponents of "post-critical" or "acritical" thinking denounce critique as an empty and self-righteous repetition of debunking, the decriers of "post-truth" accuse critique of having helped to bring about our current "post-truth" politics. Both advocate realism as a limit critique must respect, but I will defend the claim that we urgently need radical critiques of reason because they offer a more precise diagnosis of the untruths in politics the two opponents of critique are rightfully worried about. Radical critiques of reason are possible, I argue, if we turn our attention to the practices of criticizing, if we refrain from a sovereign epistemology, and if we pluralize reason without trivializing it. In order to demonstrate the diagnostic advantage of radical critiques of reason, I briefly analyze the political and epistemic strategy at work in two exemplary untruths in politics.
"Post-truth" is a failed concept, both epistemically and politically because its simplification of the relationship between truth and politics cripples our understanding and encourages authoritarianism. This makes the diagnosis of our "post-truth era" as dangerous to democratic politics as relativism with its premature disregard for truth. In order to take the step beyond relativ- ism and "post-truth", we must conceptualise the relationship between truth and politics differently by starting from a "non-sovereign" understanding of truth.
Wie erkennen wir Neues in der Politik, und wie bewerten wir dieses Neue, wenn es darauf abzielt, die vertrauten politischen Maßstäbe und -einheiten in Frage zu stellen? Die Piratenpartei als neueste Erscheinung in der bundesrepublikanischen Politik erlaubt es, diesem Problem nicht nur abstrakt nachzugehen. Meine Ausgangshypothese verortet das Neue weder im von der Piratenpartei eingebrachten Thema, noch in einer besonderen Position, die sie innerhalb des politischen Spektrums bezieht, sondern in ihrem Vorschlag, die Art und Weise zu verändern, wie politische Macht in der deutschen Demokratie ausgeübt wird: den Modus demokratischer Herrschaft von Repräsentation auf liquid democracy umzustellen. ...
Browsing the web for school: social inequality in adolescents’ school-related use of the internet
(2019)
This article examines whether social inequality exists in European adolescents’ school-related Internet use regarding consuming (browsing) and productive (uploading/sharing) activities. These school-related activities are contrasted with adolescents’ Internet activities for entertainment purposes. Data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2012 is used for the empirical analyses. Results of partial proportional odds models show that students with higher educated parents and more books at home tend to use the Internet more often for school-related tasks than their less privileged counterparts. This pattern is similar for school-related browsing and sharing Internet activities. In contrast to these findings on school-related Internet activities, a negative association between parental education and books at home is found with adolescents’ frequency of using the Internet for entertainment purposes. The implications of digital inequalities for educational inequalities are discussed.
This paper will examine the self-reported division of housework and childcare in Germany and Poland considering the job-related spatial mobility within dual-earner couples who are living in a household together with a partner, using 2007 data from the Job Mobility and Family Lives in Europe Project. We find that men who are spatially mobile for work often report shifting housework to their partners. Polish couples show a stronger tendency toward an egalitarian division of labor than German couples do, especially in terms of childcare. But the central finding of this research is, gender trumps national differences and spatial mobility constraints. Polish and German women, whether mobile for their work or not, report doing the majority of housework and childcare compared to their partners.
Der Fokus unserer Forschung zum Populismus sollte nicht auf dem harten Kern rechter Parteien liegen, sondern auf jenen, die diese Parteien nur aus Protest wählen oder gar nicht mehr wählen. Wir sollten auch nicht den Fehler machen, die Unterstützung rechter Parteien als irrational und postfaktisch darzustellen. Kern unserer Forschung sollten jene ungleichen wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Strukturen sein, die zum Aufstieg rechter Parteien führen.
I propose that the rising number of dualearner couples in the United States impacts the trend toward declining residential mobility and rising commute times. I describe these mobility trends in the United States, first relocation trends and then daily commuting trends. My research views the commute as the bridge in time and space between home and work that a) reflects couples' negotiation of preferences, relative job importance, barriers, and opportunities; b) has consequences for family functioning, c) reflects gender differences in the ways time and place are organized, and d) varies across the life course, by race, class, and region. I describe differences in family type and family functioning based on the commuting pattern and suggest a course of future comparative research that may improve awareness of how families and couples handle labor market demands, what structures shape the picture of couples mobility, and how nation-specific circumstances orient couples toward certain kinds of mobility and away from others.
Frauen in Führungspositionen
(2010)
Frauen sind mit Männern juristisch nicht nur gleichberechtigt, sie haben im Schnitt auch gleiche oder höhere Bildungsabschlüsse, Qualifikationen sowie Führungskompetenzen. In den Chefetagen sind sie im Vergleich mit den männlichen Kollegen jedoch stark unterrepräsentiert. Was hält sie vom Aufstieg ab?
Understanding the role of structure and social aspects regarding heat stress of people in urban areas requires an interdisciplinary scientific approach that connects methods from both natural sciences and social sciences. In this study, we combine three approaches to provide an interdisciplinary analysis of the structure and social components of heat stress in the city of Aachen, Germany. First, we assess the overall spatial structure of the urban heat island using spatially distributed measurements from mobile air temperature recordings on public transport units combined with spatially distributed geo-statistical data. The results indicate that the time of day matters: During the afternoon, areas with a relative low building density, like the industrial area northeast of the inner city, are the warmest, while surfaces in high-building-density areas like the inner city heat up faster during the evening. Second, we combine these measurements with place-based survey data collected in 2010 from residents aged 50 to 92 regarding their individual housing conditions, medical history and social integration to examine the match among heat-based stress of older residents, social conditions and elevated temperatures in their residential quarter. We identify disadvantaged areas for specific already-disadvantaged demographic groups in the city, pointing to a cumulation of inequalities, including heat stress among the most vulnerable. Third, we compare data of biometeorological measurements on urban public squares during the afternoon with results of the micrometeorological model ENVI-met to examine the spatial variability of the inner-city heat load. We complement the modelling results with on-site interviews to evaluate people’s heat perception at the same public places. A simulation shows that additional vegetation would increase thermal comfort at these public places, whereby the heat load assessed using the predicted mean vote (PMV) value would decrease by approximately 60 %. Furthermore, we demonstrate the strengths and weaknesses of heat stress simulation. ENVI-met allows for an overall reasonable representation of heat load during stable atmospheric conditions. However, due to the setup and structure of ENVI-met, large-scale atmospheric changes that occur during the day cannot readily be integrated into ENVI-met simulations.
Despite the popularity of direct democracy in recent decades, research on the actual output effects of popular decision-making is rare. This is especially true with regard to equality, where there are at least three major research gaps: 1) a lack of cross-national analyses; 2) insufficient investigation of the differential effects of different direct democratic instruments on equality; and 3) a failure to distinguish between different aspects of equality, i.e., socioeconomic, legal and political equality. This article takes a first step to tackle these shortcomings by looking at all national referenda in European democracies between 1990 and 2015, differentiating between mandatory, bottom-up and top-down referenda. We find that a large majority of successful direct democratic bills—regardless of which instrument is employed—are not related to equality issues. Of the remaining ones, there are generally more successful pro-equality bills than contra-equality ones, but the differences are rather marginal. Mandatory referenda tend to produce pro-equality outputs, but no clear patterns emerge for bottom-up and top-down referenda. Our results offer interesting, preliminary insights to the current debate on direct democracy, pointing to the conclusion that popular decision-making via any type of direct democratic instrument is neither curse nor blessing with regard to equality. Instead, it is necessary to look at other factors such as context conditions or possible indirect effects in order to get a clearer picture of the impacts of direct democracy on equality.
In the latest contribution to the Democracy Papers, Thomas Zittel explores when and how polarization becomes a cause for democratic anxiety. He argues that polarization over traditional policy issues is not in itself harmful, and can even be beneficial for democracies. However, he warns that polarization in which parties become divided over the acceptable rules of the game is a problem for democracies. Unfortunately, this latter type of division is increasingly common on both sides of the Atlantic today.
Internationale Gerichte sollen Konflikte zwischen Staaten befrieden. Dass es dabei nicht immer nur um das Völkerrecht geht, zeigt der Streit zwischen den USA und dem Iran. Die gegenwärtige US-Regierung lehnt den Internationalen Gerichtshof als politisch gelenkt ab – und schadet sich damit vor allem selbst.
Immer mehr Menschen fühlen sich in ihrer Existenz bedroht – selbst im Globalen Norden. Zugleich wird der politische Streit auf nationaler wie internationaler Bühne unversöhnlicher. Hängen diese beiden Beobachtungen zusammen und wenn ja, wie? Dieser Frage geht der Soziologe Thomas Scheffer in seinem Beitrag nach.
Ich würde sagen, dass Individuen mal die Contenance verlieren, sich im Ton vergreifen, das kann vorkommen. Und natürlich gibt es Frustrationspotenzial und Irritationen, die auch mal ausgesprochen werden müssen. Das kann die Ebene des sachorientierten Austauschs von Argumenten durchaus verlassen. Jede Demokratie sollte das aushalten können. Aber ich würde nicht behaupten, dass Hasstiraden gerade im Netz, Trolling und Ähnliches, eine Form des produktiven Streits wären, die Bindekraft erzeugen würde. Im Gegenteil: Wenn sich das ausbreitet und systematisch wird, wirkt es zersetzend für den gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalt. ...
Recently, many democracies have developed towards more citizens’ involvement in direct democracy or public deliberation. Are these developments linked to different types of democracy? Can public deliberation be mainly found in consensus democracies, whereas direct democracy prevails in majoritarian democracies? By analysing OECD countries around the year 2012, we examine these assumptions. The answer is surprisingly clear. The choice of a democracy to opt for direct democratic instruments or for public deliberation is neither dichotomous nor is it related to the respective pattern type of democracy. Based on these findings, a new typology with four participatory models of democracy is suggested.
Concepts historiques du capitalisme industriel avancé : « capitalisme organisé » et « corporatisme »
(2018)
Les économistes comme les spécialistes de sciences sociales semblent largement s’accorder sur le fait que le capitalisme industriel est entré à un moment donné dans une phase avancée de son développement, tout particulièrement dans ses variantes que l’on observe en Europe de l’Ouest, en Amérique du Nord et au Japon. Que le capitalisme se situe encore à cette étape, ou qu’il l’ait entre-temps déjà dépassée et laissée à nouveau derrière lui, il se différencie à tout le moins de la phase antérieure (ou bien des phases antérieures), à laquelle on peut rattacher le début d’une première industrialisation et l’avènement de l’industrialisation massive (Hochindustrialisierung). ...
Hans-Jürgen Puhle – notice
(2018)
Hans-Jürgen Puhle est depuis 1990 professeur de sciences politiques à l’Université de Francfort-sur-le-Main (professeur émerite depuis 2009). Il a fait des études d’histoire, de sciences politiques, de sociologie et de philosophie à Tübingen, Marburg et à l’Université Libre de Berlin. Après avoir obtenu sa thèse en philosophie en 1965, il a dirigé l‘Instituto Latinoamericano de Investigaciones Sociales (ILDIS) à Santiago de Chile. Ensuite il a été assistant, enseignant et, après son habilitation en 1973, professeur d’histoire moderne et sciences politiques à l’Université de Münster (1968-1978) et professeur d’histoire à l’Université de Bielefeld (1978-1990). Il a enseigné en tant que professeur invité aux universités de Harvard, Oxford, Cornell, Stanford, Tel Aviv, à l’Universidad de Chile Santiago, la FLACSO Buenos Aires, l‘Instituto Juan March, Madrid, et à l’Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona. ...
Les tâches d’une sociologie de la culture ne peuvent être définies sans prendre en considération la situation générale de la discipline. La conception dominante veut que la société puisse être définie par son organisation extérieure, par les divisions qui sont partout manifestes dans la vie sociale et qui sont aujourd’hui désignées sommairement comme sa structure. Ce concept de société, nous aurons à le montrer, est davantage le produit de différentes circonstances contingentes qu’il ne se fonde sur une décision de principe ou sur des preuves empiriques. Quoi qu’il en soit, il en résulte, en pratique, que la société est identifiée avec sa structure et que la sociologie, par suite, est réduite à une analyse de cette dernière. Cette conception de la société ne laisse pas de place à la culture comme donnée autonome ; la sociologie de la culture, de ce fait, en est réduite à la portion congrue. ...
En 1943, Friedrich H. Tenbruck (1914-1994) obtient sa thèse de philosophe à l’Université de Marburg. Dans les années 1950, il se tourne vers la sociologie, devient entre autres pour quelques mois l’assistant de Max Horkheimer à l’Université de Francfort-sur-le-Main. Puis il occupe pendant cinq ans un poste de professeur assistant à Geneva/New York. Après son retour, en 1962, il est habilité à la direction de recherches avec un travail sur histoire et société en sociologie et sciences sociales à Fribourg, puis occupe à partir de 1963 la chaire de sociologie à l’Université de Francfort-sur-le-Main. En 1967, il devient professeur à l’Université de Tübingen. ...
Le xviiie est le siècle de la révolution constitutionnelle moderne. Les droits de l’homme et du citoyen y furent proclamés, et le droit ancré dans la démocratie. Les choses ont commencé dans quelques États d’Amérique, leur unification a suivi, mais l’événement à proprement parler dramatique, qui allait faire de la révolution constitutionnelle un événement irréversible, fut la Révolution française de 1789. Revendiquer des constitutions fut l’élément dominant du xixe siècle, tenir la promesse de réaliser les droits de l’homme et la démocratie celui du xxe siècle. L’arc se tend sans peine de 1789 à 1989, et même après, il n’y a pas d’issue visible, pas d’alternative en vue. Même le vent froid de la globalisation n’a pas fait pâlir les espoirs utopiques orientés vers la démocratie et les droits de l’homme. ...
Hauke Brunkhorst
(2009)
Hauke Brunkhorst ist ein deutscher Soziologe, geboren 1945 in Marne (Holstein). Er studierte Deutsche Literaturwissenschaft, Philosophie, Erziehungswissenschaft und Soziologie in Kiel, Freiburg und Frankfurt. 1978 wurde er promoviert (Praxisbezug und Theoriebildung). 1982 folgte seine Habilitation im Fach Erziehungswissenschaft an der Universität Frankfurt, 1985 die Habilitation im Fach Soziologie ebendort. Von 1985 bis 1997 hatte er Professuren und Gastprofessuren am IAS in Wien und an den Universitäten Frankfurt, Duisburg und der FU Berlin inne. 1995 bis 1997 war Brunkhorst Research Fellow des Kulturwissenschaftlichen Instituts des Wissenschaftszentrums Nordrhein-Westfalen. Seit 1997 ist er Professor für Soziologie an der Universität in Flensburg.
Klaus Lichtblau - notice
(2012)
Klaus Lichtblau (né en 1951) étudie entre autres auprès de Niklas Luhmann à l’université de Bielefeld, sous la direction duquel il rédige son mémoire de sociologie en 1975. En 1980, toujours à Bielefeld, il soutient sa thèse de doctorat en philosophie, puis travaille dans un premier temps à l’université de Bielefeld, puis aux universités de Kassel et de Kiel. En 1996, il obtient son habilitation en sociologie à l’université de Kassel. Depuis 2004, Klaus Lichtblau est professeur de sociologie à l’Université de Francfort-sur-le-Main. Ses travaux de recherche s’axent autour de l’histoire des sciences sociales des XIXe et XXe siècles. Il porte un intérêt particulier aux classiques (Max Weber, Georg Simmel et Karl Mannheim, entre autres). Par ailleurs, il s’intéresse aux dimensions culturelles du social, à la fonction sociale de l’art, à la sociologie économique, etc.
Depuis le milieu des années 1970, on assiste dans le monde entier à un retour en force des thématiques et problématiques relatives à la culture dans le champ de la sociologie. Ce regain d’intérêt va de pair avec le déclin croissant de la tradition, d’inspiration avant tout marxiste, de la théorie de la société, et s’inscrit dans un cultural turn global,qui a eu ces dernières années des répercussions sur la plupart des disciplines universitaires. ...
Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.
In this article, we explore civil society mobilisation and the impact of organised interests on the energy policies of two post-communist countries—Hungary and Czechia—and specifically nuclear energy. Drawing on numerous hypotheses from the literature on organised interests, we explore how open both political systems are for civil society input and what interest group-specific and socio-economic factors mediate the influence of organised interests. Based on the preference attainment method, our case studies focus on the extent to which organised interests have succeeded bringing nuclear energy legislation in line with their preferences. We find that while both democracies are open to civil society input, policy-making is generally conducted in state-industrial circles, whereby anti-nuclear and renewable energy advocates are at best able to make minor corrections to already pre-determined policies.
Trotz aller Desillusionierungen, die die neuere Wissenschaftsforschung modernen Wissensgesellschaften zumutet, zehrt die Wissenschaft nach wie vor von einer Aura distanzierter Wahrheitssuche, die mit wissenschaftlicher Tätigkeit einhergehen soll. Die Meinungsseite der Tageszeitung ist daher (noch) kein Publikationsort, wo man akademische Karrierepunkte sammeln kann, die mit "peer reviewed journals" vergleichbar sind. Manchmal erscheint es einem hauptberuflichen Wissenschaftler aber trotzdem angezeigt, sich dem Genre des Meinungsbeitrages anzunähern - und zwar vor allem dann, wenn sich Problembeschreibungen und Handlungsanweisungen aufdrängen, die Albert O. Hirschmann als "action arousing gloomy visions" charakterisierte. ...
Privilegierte männliche, hochmobile Finanzmanager sind nicht nur Teil abstrakter ortsübergreifender Netzwerke, sondern sie arbeiten an konkreten Arbeitsorten. Am Beispiel deutscher Finanzmanager in London und Singapur arbeite ich die Relevanz des lokalen Arbeitsortes für die Identitätsaufführungen der globalen Elite mit einer intersektionalen Perspektive heraus. Da die Performanz dieser Identitätsdimension als dynamischer Prozess verstanden wird – also als eine Dynamik, in der diese im Handeln alltäglich erzeugt und aufgeführt wird – werden die alltäglichen Aufführungen der Globalen Elite in ihrer Beziehung zu dem Arbeitsort, an dem die Aufführungen stattfinden, analysiert. Es wird deutlich, dass mit dem Ansatz der Intersektionalität auch privilegierte Identitätsdimensionen in den Blick genommen werden können. In Abhängigkeit vom Ort der Performanz differenziert sich die Identitätsdimension globale Elite und überschneidet sich in spezifischer Weise mit der Identitätsdimension des Weißseins.
Neues Wissen erzeugt gleichzeitig auch Nichtwissen. Wie damit umzugehen ist, wirft in kaum einem Forschungsgebiet so viele Fragen auf wie in der Medizin. So kann die Pränataldiagnostik heute schon im ersten Schwangerschaftsdrittel bestimmte, früher nicht behandelbare Fehlbildungen erkennen. Dadurch entstehen komplexe Behandlungssituationen, die Eltern mit bisher nicht bekannten Unwägbarkeiten konfrontieren. Forschende aus Medizin und Soziologie untersuchen gemeinsam, wie Eltern während und nach der Schwangerschaft auf die schwierige Situation reagieren.
"Die Goethe-Universität ist eine weltoffene Werkstatt der Zukunft mitten in Europa. 1914 von BürgerInnen für BürgerInnen gegründet, hat sie seit 2008 als autonome Stiftungsuniversität an diese Tradition wieder angeknüpft. Ihrer wechselvollen Geschichte kritisch verpflichtet, ist sie geleitet von den Ideen der Europäischen Aufklärung, der Demokratie und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und wendet sich gegen Rassismus, Nationalismus und Antisemitismus. Die Goethe-Universität ist ein Ort argumentativer Auseinandersetzung; Forschung und Lehre stehen in gesellschaftlicher Verantwortung."
Dieses Leitbild strahlt an einem Freitagabend im Januar 2018 zwei Stunden lang über einem voll besetzten, unruhigen Hörsaal. Der groß an die Wand projizierte Text richtet sich an das Publikum einer Veranstaltung der "Frankfurter Bürgeruniversität" mit dem Titel "Diskurskultur im Zwielicht – Wie viel Meinungsfreiheit verträgt die Uni?" Die Atmosphäre ist für eine öffentliche Abendveranstaltung ungewöhnlich angespannt: Menschen mit unterschiedlichen politischen Einstellungen sitzen dicht beieinander, ein paar Burschenschaftler mit Schärpe nehmen die Mitte des Saales ein, es gibt Gerüchte, die AfD habe zu der Veranstaltung mobilisiert. ...
The theory and practice of urban governance in recent years has undergone both a collaborative and participatory turn. The strong connection between collaboration and participation has meant that citizen participation in urban governance has been conceived in a very particular way: as varying levels of partnership between state actors and citizens. This over-focus on collaboration has led to: 1) a dearth of proposals in theory and practice for citizens to engage oppositionally with institutions; 2) the miscasting of agonistic opportunities for participation as forms of collaboration; 3) an inability to recognise the irruption of agonistic practices into participatory procedures. This article attempts to expand the conception of participatory urban governance by adapting Rosanvallon’s (2008) three democratic counter-powers—prevention, oversight and judgement—to consider options for institutionalising agonistic participatory practices. It argues that these counter-governance processes would more fully realise the inclusion agenda that underpins the participatory governance project.
The paper addresses the problem of justifying ethically sound dimensions of poverty or well-being for use in a multidimensional framework. We combine Sen’s capability approach and Rawls’ method of political constructivism and argue that the constitution and its interpretative practice can serve as an ethically suitable informational basis for selecting dimensions, under certain conditions. We illustrate our Constitutional Approach by deriving a set of well-being dimensions from an analysis of the Italian Constitution. We argue that this method is both an improvement on those used in the existing literature from the ethical point of view, and has a strong potential for providing the ethical basis of a conception of well-being for the public affairs of a pluralist society. In the final part, we elaborate on the implications for measuring well-being based on data, by ranking Italian regions in terms of well-being, and pointing out the differences in results produced by different methods.
Das Private ist politisch! – 68 war der Slogan eine auf Ganze gerichtete Perspektive der Kritik und ein Impuls für die Revolutionierung des Alltagslebens: Es ging bei den Diskussionen und Analysen um die "Weltherrschaft des Kapitals" und den Zusammenhang von Faschismus und Kapitalismus immer zugleich um die Manifestationen von Herrschaft und Unterdrückung in den Kapillaren des Alltäg lichen. In den Blick gerieten dabei nicht zuletzt die Autoritätsstrukturen der bürgerlichen Familie und damit die (im Sinne marxistischer Gesellschaftsanalyse) sogenannte "Nebenwidersprüche" des Privaten: das Verhältnis der Geschlechter, Fragen von Liebe und Sexualität, Kindererziehung, Eigentumsfragen und Besitzdenken. Der Slogan wurde darüber hinaus zum Leitspruch der Frauenbewegung, die vor Augen führt, wie politisch das Private gerade in Fragen von Nachwuchs und Alltagsorganisation ist. ...
In den zahlreichen Beiträgen zum "Jubeljahr der 1968er-Bewegung" kommen oft ehemalige Aktive, Historikerinnen und Experten zu Wort. Doch wie blicken eigentlich Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten des 21. Jahrhunderts auf diese Zeit zurück? Dieser Frage hat sich ein zweijähriges Forschungsprojekt am Institut für Politikwissenschaft der Goethe-Universität gewidmet.
Weg mit den Talaren! Hoch die Doktorhüte! : vom Wandel der Zeremonialität an deutschen Universitäten
(2018)
"Unter den Talaren – Muff von 1000 Jahren": Dieser Slogan steht wie kaum ein anderer für die Aufbruchstimmung der 68er-Generation. Damit zielten die Hamburger Studenten auf das Verschweigen der NS-Vergangenheit ab, anschließend ging es aber auch den Talaren selbst an den Kragen. Seit einigen Jahren wird im zeremoniellen Raum der Universitäten vielfach experimentiert: Die Fächer bilden eine jeweils eigene Feierkultur aus – auf der Suche nach einem Übergang von der Universität in das berufliche Leben.
Unter dem Schlagwort "68er-Bewegung" werden verschiedene linksgerichtete Protestbewegungen, Bürgerrechtsdemonstrationen und antiautoritäre Aktionen zusammengefasst, die ab Mitte der 1960er in Deutschland und zahlreichen anderen Ländern stattfanden und auf eine Umwälzung bestehender sozialer und politischer Strukturen zielten. ...
This article advances the argument that quality of democracy depends not only on the performance of democratic institutions but also on the dispositions of citizens. We make three contributions to the study of democratic quality. First, we develop a fine-grained, structured conceptualization of the three core dispositions (democratic commitments, political capacities, and political participation) that make up the citizen component of democratic quality. Second, we provide a more precise account of the notion of inter-component congruence or "fit" between the institutional and citizen components of democratic quality, distinguishing between static and dynamic forms of congruence. Third, drawing on cross-national data, we show the importance of taking levels of inter-dispositional consistency into account when measuring democratic quality.
Ebenso wie Pierre Bourdieu ist sein Schüler Loïc Wacquant einer der selten gewordenen Intellektuellen, die ihre Profession, die Soziologie, nutzen um soziale Ungleichheiten und gesellschaftliche Machtverhältnisse nicht nur zu analysieren, sondern auch versuchen, damit auf öffentliche Debatten zu einzuwirken. Daher ist Wacquants Aufsatz nicht nur als eine interessante Diskussion der Frage, ob Bourdieus Werk in der Stadtsoziologie angemessen und korrekt verwendet werde, zu verstehen. Der in dem Text formulierte Appell, Bourdieus Arbeit auch innerhalb der Stadtsoziologie stärker anzuwenden, ist – vor dem Hintergrund zunehmender sozialer Ungleichheit, Armut, Marginalisierung und einem Aufschwung des Rechtspopulismus – eine Forderung nach einer soziologischen Betrachtung dieser Probleme in der Stadt. Was kann nun also das Werk von Pierre Bourdieu zur Analyse der heutigen sozialen Probleme in der Stadt in Deutschland beitragen?
In modern welfare states, family policies may resolve the tension between employment and care-focused demands. However these policies sometimes have adverse consequences for distinct social groups. This study examined gender and educational differences in working parents’ perceived work–family conflict and used a comparative approach to test whether family policies, in particular support for child care and leave from paid work, are capable of reducing work–family conflict as well as the gender and educational gaps in work–family conflict. We use data from the European Social Survey 2010 for 20 countries and 5296 respondents (parents), extended with information on national policies for maternity and parental leave and child care support from the OECD Family Database. Employing multilevel analysis, we find that mothers and the higher educated report most work–family conflict. Policies supporting child care reduce the level of experienced work–family conflict; family leave policy appears to have no alleviating impact on working parents’ work–family conflict. Our findings indicate that family policies appear to be unable to reduce the gender gap in conflict perception and even widen the educational gap in work–family conflict.
European energy policy dates back to the founding days of integration, yet the emergence of supranational governance is a recent development. The article examines the extent to which European policymakers have succeeded in building up governance capacity, and what the facilitating and impeding factors were that have shaped the governance mix. The conceptual framework differentiates between orders of governance in the multilevel context, and between policy modes involving hierarchical and non-hierarchical settings and varying actor constellations. The article finds that governance capacity has emerged where second order governance (institutional and procedural rules) is concerned, while first order governance (the concrete policy process) remains the remit of national and private actors. This becomes even more obvious once the interaction between policy modes is taken into account: governance networks enhance governance capacity in the area of competition policy and agency governance; self-regulation by industry constitutes a fall-back option in case of insufficient governance capacity on cross-border issues; soft governance helps to bridge multiple policy areas and levels of governance. The article concludes that second order governance may prove effective where it combines with hierarchy but that it may fail to overcome both trade-offs between contradicting goals and resistance at lower levels.
Online reading behavior can be regarded as a "new" form of cultural capital in today’s digital world. However, it is unclear whether "traditional" mechanisms of cultural and social reproduction are also found in this domain, and whether they manifest uniformly across countries at different stages of development. This article analyzes whether the early home literacy environment has an impact on informational online reading behavior among adolescents and whether this association varies between countries with different levels of digitalization and educational expansion. Data from the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) were used for the empirical analyses. The results of regression models with country-fixed effects indicate a positive association between literacy activities in early childhood and informational online reading at age 15. This association was quite stable across countries. These findings are discussed in light of cultural and social reproduction theory and digital divide research.
This paper considers the trend towards megaregionalism (TTIP, TPP) that became prominent in the trade domain in the last years of the Obama administration. While megaregionalism has fallen by the wayside since Trump’s inauguration, the underlying rationale for such treaties will most likely reassert itself rather soon. So there are structural issues that need to be discussed from a standpoint of global justice. In all likelihood, megaregionalism is detrimental to global justice. TTIP in particular, or anything like it, might derail any possibility for a trade organization to aid the pursuit of justice at the global level, and any possibility that trade will be used to that end. From the standpoint of global justice one must hope that megaregionalism does not replace WTO multilateralism. The global-justice framework used here is the grounds-of-justice approach offered in the author’s 2012 On Global Justice.
Megaregional trade negotiations have become the subject of heated debate, above all in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In this article, I argue that the justice of the global order suffers from its institutional fragmentation into regime complexes. From a republican perspective, which aspires to non-domination as a guiding principles and idea of global justice, regime complexes raise specific and important challenges in that they open the door to specific forms of domination. I thereby challenge a more optimistic outlook in regime complexes, which paints a positive normative picture of regime complexes, arguing that they enable the enhancement of democracy beyond the state and, consequently, have the potential to reduce the democratic deficit in global governance. By drawing attention to how regime complexes reinforce domination-related injustice, this article contributes an original perspective on megaregionals and to exploring the implications of global justice as non-domination.
Recent trade negotiations such as TTIP include investor protection clauses. Against the background of an analysis of the case for trade, the paper asks whether such clauses can be justified from a normative perspective. More specifically, what is the impact of investor protection on the domestic distribution of the gains from trade between labour and capital, and how should we assess this impact from the perspective of justice? In order to answer this question, the paper develops a series of ideal-type scenarios that reflect the consequences of investor protection on employment on the one hand, and on the distributive conflict between labour and capital on the other. While no claim is made which of these scenarios corresponds to TTIP or other trade agreements, they provide a useful normative framework to analyse such agreements.
nvestor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) is an arbitration mechanism to settle disputes between foreign investors and host-states. Seemingly a technical issue in private international law, ISDS procedures have recently become a matter of public concern and the target of political resistance, due to the power they grant to foreign investors in matters of public policies in the countries they invest in. This article examines the practice of ISDS through the lenses of liberal-statist theories of international justice, which value self-determination. It argues that the investor-state arbitration system illustrates how liberal-statist theories of international distributive justice ought to care about relative socioeconomic disadvantage, contra the sufficiency principle that they typically defend. The sufficiency principle draws on a questionable conception of the freedom that self-determination consists in.
Readers of Hannah Arendt’s now classic formulation of the statelessness problem in her 1951 book The Origins of Totalitarianism abound at a moment when the number of stateless peoples worldwide continues to rise exponentially. Along with statelessness, few concepts in Arendt scholarship have spawned such a volume of literature, and perhaps none have provoked as much interest outside of the field of philosophy, as ‘the right to have rights.’ Interpreting this enigmatic term exposes the heart of our beliefs about the nature of the political and has important consequences for how we practice politics on a global scale because it implicitly takes plural human beings, and not the citizen, as its subjects. Arendt’s conceptualization of this problem remains unsurpassed in its diagnosis of the political situation of statelessness, as well as its intimate description of the human cost of what she refers to as ‘world loss,’ a phenomenon that the prevailing human rights and global justice discourse does not take into account. And yet, as an alternative framework for thinking about global politics, the right to have rights resists easy interpretation, let alone practical application.
The focus of this contribution is on the mode of capitalism within the industrialized sectors of "emerging markets". Particularly in the context of the rise of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) this question has gained considerable importance, also for the development of the world economy as a whole. The core question is whether the type of capitalism within these economies is similar to the capitalist variety of the triad, or diverges in more or less permanent ways. The article gives a preliminary answer to this question, by developing a rough sketch of a "BRIC" model of capitalism and illustrating this model with the case of Brazil. In terms of theory, the article extends the Comparative Capitalism (CC) perspective to the BRICs. On the one side, the focus is on the classical questions of CC, i.e. the determinants of economic development and the differences to other types of capitalism, on the other side the relationship between these varieties and social inequality. It argues that the "state-permeated market economies" of the BRICs rely on clans as a mode of social coordination. As demonstrated by the case of Brazil, this type of capitalism can be quite successful, but is based on a highly unequal distribution of economic and political resources.
This article reports the results of a replication of Bobbitt-Zeher’s 2007 article "The Gender Income Gap and the Role of Education". Models that emulate the original specifications (by and large) reproduce the original results. However, models that adhere to Bobbitt-Zeher’s theory concerning the gendered effect of family formation call into question her finding that "values appear to matter only modestly, while family formation has virtually no effect on the income gap".
There is a consensus that transnational soft governance has unleashed the forces of change in higher education. However, individual national HE systems are still anchored in country-specific regulatory regimes, which reflect national-historical, institutional, and cultural developments. Against this background, three crucial questions guide our study: How does the state react to transnational pressures for change? How is transnationally inspired policy change ‘digested’ by the preexisting country-specific governance structures? And to what extent have national HE systems converged on a common governance model? To address these questions, we conduct a multilevel comparative analysis of developments in Germany, France, and Italy. We first break down the concept of higher education governance into sub-dimensions and derive concrete policy indicators for three historically embedded governance ideal types. Drawing on historical institutionalism and institutional isomorphism, we explore how historical legacies and transnational communication have impacted policy pathways over the past 30 years. We graphically illustrate the policy trajectories using our ‘governance triangles’, which encompass the balance of power between multiple actors, including the state and universities, university management and the academic profession, and external stakeholders.
his articles discusses and contextualises tripleC's republication of Franz L. Neumann's essay Anxiety and Politics. It provides some background information on Neumann's life and works. The essay ascertains that in the age of new nationalisms, rising right-wing authoritarianism and authoritarian capitalism, Franz L Neumann's works can help us to critically understand contemporary society.
Este trabalho pretende fazer uma síntese da inserção de Axel Honneth no quadro das teorias da justiça. Para isso, se apresenta o debate entre comunitaristas e liberais, juntamente ao procedimentalismo contemporâneo, e as críticas de Honneth a essas posições. Assim o trabalho apresenta o esboço teórico de justiça como reconhecimento em Honneth, realizado com base no conceito de eticidade formal e no método da reconstrução normativa.
Wir erleben eine enorme Beschleunigung, besonders im Berufsleben. Unser Alltag ist überfrachtet von Dringlichem und Deadlines. Und dann mit über 60 folgt der Ausstieg aus dem ausgefüllten, für manche erfüllten Berufsleben: Welche Risiken birgt dieser Übergang? Dazu der Sozialpsychologe Prof. Rolf Haubl (65) im Gespräch mit Ulrike Jaspers (60).
Dringlichkeiten geben häufig den Takt im Alltag vor. Denn Wettbewerbsdruck und damit verbundene Beschleunigung verändern nicht nur die Arbeitswelt, sondern auch den Familienalltag und die individuelle Lebensführung. Doch weshalb gewinnen im Umgang mit der Zeit Kriterien der Effizienz und "Rendite" so leicht an Bedeutung? Offenbar wird es keineswegs nur als leidvoll erlebt, sich daran anzupassen.
Depth hermeneutics—as developed by LORENZER within the framework of the Frankfort School's program of critical social research—represents a methodological and systematic approach to psychoanalytic research. The new ways and means by which a neo-Nazi utilises his visit to the Auschwitz Memorial to arouse further anti-Semitism are to be investigated by means of a scene-by-scene interpretation of his filmed appearances—first as a good-mooded tourist, then as a volatile right-wing extremist, as competent expert, and as rebellious adolescent. The aim is to demonstrate how the meaning of these role plays develops within the tension between a manifest and a latent significance. The results of this process of interpretations form the basis for clarifying the question: what patterns of socialisation are used by this "yuppie-neo-Nazi" to fascinate particularly adolescents?? In conclusion, the way in which through his post-modern film-production the producer turns Auschwitz into a test-ground where the neo-Nazi can do "a merry dance on the volcano", is analysed.
Mit der von LORENZER begründeten Tiefenhermeneutik wird eine methodologisch und methodisch reflektierte Methode psychoanalytischer Forschung vorstellt, die im Rahmen der kritischen Sozialforschung der Frankfurter Schule entwickelt wurde. Die neue Art und Weise, wie ein Neonazi einen Besuch der Gedenkstätte Auschwitz dazu benutzt, um einen neuen Antisemitismus zu erzeugen, soll durch eine szenische Interpretation seiner medialen Auftritte als gut gelaunter Tourist, als zorniger Rechtsextremist, als sachlicher Experte und als trotziger Jugendlicher untersucht werden: Es wird zu zeigen sein, wie sich die Bedeutung dieser Rollenspiele in der Spannung zwischen einem manifesten und einem latenten Sinn entfaltet. Die Ergebnisse dieses Interpretationsprozesses bilden die Grundlage für die theoretische Klärung der Frage, welcher Sozialisationsmuster dieser "Yuppie-Nazi" sich bedient, um vor allem Jugendliche zu faszinieren. Schließlich soll analysiert werden, wie der Regisseur durch eine postmoderne Inszenierung Auschwitz als Testgelände zur Verfügung stellt, auf dem der Neonazi einen "fröhlichen Tanz auf dem Vulkan" aufführen kann.
Quest and query: interpreting a biographical interview with a turkish woman laborer in Germany
(2003)
Hülya, a young woman who came to Germany from Turkey at the age of 17 in pursuit of a better life looks back at the age of 31. In her biographical query she relates her experiences to a social commentary on the hard and inhuman conditions of contract labor. At the same time she is critical of the common sense notions that suffering and social problems are the main consequences of labor migration. In our analytical query of "doing biographical analysis" we discuss how we interpreted Hülya's narrative and commentary in socio-historical context and also in relation to the discourse on migration from Turkey. We looked for terms to analyze agency and suffering within biographical accounts without giving priority to either of them. Referring to the analysis of another case and to the concept of "twofold perspectivity" we describe how both suffering and also pursuing one's potential are negotiated in biographical quests and queries.
Alljährlich wird von der "Arbeitsgemeinschaft Objektive Hermeneutik" eine Tagung ausgerichtet, in deren Rahmen Vorhaben und/oder Ergebnisse von Forscher/innen, die mit der Methode der objektiven Hermeneutik arbeiten, vorgestellt und diskutiert werden. Für die diesjährige Tagung wurde mit "Bildung und Unterricht" ein inhaltlicher Schwerpunkt gelegt, der in vier Blöcken diskutiert wurde: "Berufliches Handeln im Kontext von Bildungsinstitutionen", "Wirkungen des Unterrichts und deren Analyse", "Zur Ordnung des Unterrichts"; in einem vierten Block wurden Fragen der Methode aufgegriffen, z.B. inwieweit sich fremdsprachige Unterrichtstranskripte analysieren lassen. Eine der zentralen Diskussionen der Tagung betraf das Verhältnis von Erziehungs- und Sozialwissenschaften. Als strittig erwies sich die Frage, ob die gewinnbringende Anwendung der Methode der objektiven Hermeneutik in der Unterrichtsforschung an eine dem Forschungsgebiet und dessen "Eigenstruktur" verpflichtete theoretische Perspektive gebunden ist.
The article focuses on the way events are connected with preceding events of the same type carrying out a participatory observation on a golden wedding celebrated in a small village in the middle of Germany. Events are formally connected by their participants. In contrast to participant networks, the chronological order of event-event networks is evident. Different models for the connection of events are discussed with reference to a classic dataset of the "Deep South" study DAVIS, GARDNER and GARDNER (1941). A stability of forms (in the sense of SIMMEL's "formal sociology" [1908]) was found with a variation of some elements. The main reason for the stability is the uncertainty that arises when people temporarily change their position from that of guest to host. They fall back on approved forms for their celebration. Professionals are the other important position. They ensure that events will take place as they did in the past. It is proposed that an analysis of the chronological order of networks between events can lead to a renaissance in the cultural analysis of forms. The analysis presented is an approach to an investigation of the development of culture.
Die Frage, ob und in welcher Hinsicht ADORNO als Vorbereiter eines Paradigmas qualitativer Sozialforschung verstanden werden kann, wird diskutiert anhand zweier Briefe ADORNOs an Paul LAZARSFELD aus dem Jahre 1938, als er in dessen "Radio Research Project" an der Universität Princeton mitzuarbeiten begann. ADORNO musste sich hier erstmals mit empirischer Sozialforschung amerikanischer Prägung ins Verhältnis setzen, wobei er in Ermangelung praktischer Erfahrung auf diesem Gebiet zunächst ganz auf seine Bordmittel als Philosoph und Künstler angewiesen war. In der Korrespondenz mit LAZARSFELD artikulierten sich erstmals Überlegungen, die in ADORNOs Schriften zur Sozialforschung aus der Nachkriegszeit ihre kanonische Gestalt fanden. Die quantifizierenden Verfahren kritisierend, entwickelte er gleichsam naturwüchsig ein Modell qualitativer Forschung, das aber zugleich bestimmten, auch später nicht überwundenen Restriktionen unterlag, die ihren Grund vor allem in Vorbehalten gegenüber methodisch geregelten Vorgehen überhaupt hatten.
The following paper is about artists doing experimental and performative art who expect the spectators to become participants in the process of artwork production. The artwork is thus produced through a process of participation. As a researcher, I was similarly expected to participate in the artwork process. As I observed, the artists worked at having their agency in the artwork process recognized by the participating spectators. At the same time, the artists create a certain proximity to the spectators-participants through performing art, which I call "performing proximity." By involving the participants in their art-in-process, they make use of their agency to redefine the artworld and enlarge it into other social worlds. I also discuss how artists' ability to enact redefined social worlds can be compared to agency in performative social science and in biographical research.
The paper assesses current rising reparations claims for the Maafa/ Maangamizi (‘African holocaust,’ comprising transatlantic slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism) from two angles. First, it explores the connectivity of reparations and global justice, peace and security. Second, it discusses how the claim is justified in international law. The concept of reparations in international law is also explored, revealing that reparations cannot be limited to financial compensation due to the nature of the damage and international law prescriptions. Comprehensive reparations based in international law require the removal of structures built on centuries of illegal acts and aggression, in the forms of transatlantic slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Reparations must also lead to the restitution of sovereignty to African and indigenous peoples globally. They are indispensable to halt the destruction of the earth as human habitat, caused by the violent European cultural, political, socio-economic system known as apitalism that is rooted in transatlantic slavery.
From reparations for slavery to international racial justice: a critical republican perspective
(2017)
This paper focuses on demands for reparations for colonial slavery and their public reception in France. It argues that this bottom-up, context-sensitive approach to theorising reparations enables us to formulate a critical republican theory of international racial justice. It contrasts the critical republican perspective on reparations with a nation-state centred approach in which reparations activists are accused of threatening the French republic’s sense of homogeneity and unity, thus undermining the national narrative on the French identity. It also rejects the liberal egalitarian perspective, which itself rejects reparations in favour of focusing on present disadvantages. In so doing, this paper illustrates how the notion of non-domination offers a superior way of conceptualising global racial injustices compared to more traditional distributive outlooks.
If Third World women form ‘the bedrock of a certain kind of global exploitation of labour,’ as Chandra Mohanty argues, how can our theoretical definitions of exploitation account for this? This paper argues that liberal theories of exploitation are insufficiently structural and that Marxian accounts are structural but are insufficiently intersectional. What we need is a structural and intersectional definition of exploitation in order to correctly identify global structural exploitation. Drawing on feminist, critical race/post-colonial and post-Fordist critiques of the Marxist definition and the intersectional accounts of Maria Mies and Iris Marion Young, this paper offers the following definition of structural exploitation: structural exploitation refers to the forced transfer of the productive powers of groups positioned as socially inferior to the advantage of groups positioned as socially superior. Global structural exploitation is a form of global injustice because it is a form of oppression.
Many theories of global distributive justice are based on the assumption that all humans hold common ownership of the earth. As the earth is finite and our actions interconnect, we need a system of justice that regulates the potential appropriation of the common earth to ensure fairness. According to these theories, imposing limits and distributive obligations on private and public property arrangements may be the best mechanism for governing common ownership. We present a critique of the assumption that this issue can be solved within the private–public property regime, arguing that the boundaries of this regime should not be taken for granted and that the growing literature on the democratic commons movement suggests how this can be accomplished. We consider that, if the earth is defined as a common, the private– public property paradigm must be open to questioning, and democratic commoners’ activities should be considered.
All cosmopolitan approaches to global distributive justice are premised on the idea that humans are the primary units of moral concern. In this paper, I argue that neither relational nor non-relational cosmopolitans can unquestioningly assume the moral primacy of humans. Furthermore, I argue that, by their own lights, cosmopolitans must extend the scope of justice to most, if not all, nonhuman animals. To demonstrate that cosmopolitans cannot simply ‘add nonhuman animals and stir,’ I examine the cosmopolitan position developed by Martha Nussbaum in Frontiers of Justice. I argue that while Nussbaum explicitly includes nonhuman animals within the scope of justice, her account is marked by an unjustifiable anthropocentric bias. I ultimately conclude that we must radically reconceptualise the primary unit of cosmopolitan moral concern to encompass most, if not all, sentient animals.
Two decades after the predicted “end of ideology”, we are observing a re-emphasis on party ideology under Hu Jintao. The paper looks into the reasons for and the factors shaping the re-formulation of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) ideology since 2002 and assesses the progress and limits of this process. Based on the analysis of recent elite debates, it is argued that the remaking of ideology has been the consequence of perceived challenges to the legitimacy of CCP rule. Contrary to many Western commentators, who see China’s successful economic performance as the most important if not the only source of regime legitimacy, Chinese party theorists and scholars have come to regard Deng Xiaoping’s formula of performance-based legitimacy as increasingly precarious. In order to tackle the perceived “performance dilemma” of party rule, the adaptation and innovation of party ideology is regarded as a crucial measure to relegitimize CCP rule.
For more than two decades, the National Planning Office for Philosophy and Social Sciences (NPOPSS) has been managing official funding of social science research in China under the orbit of the Communist Party of China’s (CPC) propaganda system. By focusing on “Major Projects”, the most prestigious and well-funded program initiated by the NPOPSS in 2004, this contribution outlines the political and institutional ramifications of this line of official funding and attempts to identify larger shifts during the past decade in the “ideologics” of official social science research funding – the changing ideological circumscriptions of research agendas in the more narrow sense of echoing party theory and rhetoric and – in the broader sense – of adapting to an increasingly dominant official discourse of cultural and national self-assertion. To conclude, this article offers reflections on the potential repercussions of these shifts for international academic collaboration.
It is widely thought that the international community, taken as a whole, is required to take action to prevent terrorism. Yet, what each state is required to do in this project is unclear and contested. This article examines a number of bases on which we might assign responsibilities to conduct counterterrorist operations to states. I argue that the ways in which other sorts of responsibilities have been assigned to states by political philosophers will face significant limitations when used to assign the necessary costs of preventing terrorism. I go on to suggest that appealing to the principle of fairness—which assigns obligations on the basis of benefits received from cooperative endeavours—may be used to make up the shortfall, despite this principle having received relatively little attention in existing normative accounts of states’ responsibilities.
In seinem unlängst erschienenen Buch „Citizen Science“ untersucht der Wissenschaftstheoretiker Peter Finke die Rolle von Laiinnen und Laien für die Wissenschaft. Sein Anliegen ist es, ihre Bedeutung für den Erkenntnisfortschritt wie auch für ein praxisbezogenes bürgerschaftliches Engagement darzulegen. Aus zahlreichen Blickwinkeln variiert Finke den Grundgedanken einer Kontinuität des Handelns von Laiinnen und Laien zu dem von Fachwissenschaftlerinnen und Fachwissenschaftlern, die durch die institutionalisierten Erscheinungsformen der Wissenschaft verschleiert wird. Demgegenüber sollen im vorliegenden Beitrag Aspekte der Diskontinuität hervorgehoben werden, die es zu berücksichtigen gilt, gerade wenn man von der Wichtigkeit einer Etablierung und Förderung von „Citizen Science“ überzeugt ist.
Mapping a public discourse with the tools of computational text analysis comes with many contingencies in the areas of corpus curation, data processing and analysis, and visualisation. However, the complexity of algorithmic assemblies and the beauty of resulting images give the impression of ‘objectivity’. Instead of concealing uncertainties and artefacts in order to tell a coherent and all-encompassing story, retaining the variety of alternative assemblies may actually strengthen the method. By utilising the mobility of digital devices, we could create mutable mobiles that allow access to our laboratories and enable challenging rearrangements and interpretations.
Imperialism is the domination of one state by another. This paper sketches a nonrepublican account of domination that buttresses this definition of imperialism. It then defends the following claims. First, there is a useful and defensible distinction between colonial and liberal imperialism, which maps on to a distinction between what I will call coercive and liberal domination. Second, the main institutions of contemporary globalization, such as the WTO, the IMF, the World Bank, etc., are largely the instruments of liberal imperialism; they are a reincarnation of what Karl Kautsky once called ‘ultraimperialism’. Third, resistance to imperialism can no longer be founded on a fundamental right to national self-determination. Such a right is conditional upon and derivative of a more general right to resist domination.
The concept of freedom as non-domination that is associated with neo-republican theory provides a guiding ideal in the global, not just the domestic arena, and does so even on the assumption that there will continue to be many distinct states. It argues for a world in which states do not dominate members of their own people and, considered as a corporate body, no people is dominated by other agencies: not by other states and not, for example, by any international agency or multi-national corporation. This ideal is not only attractive in the abstract, it also supports a concrete range of sensible, if often radical international policies.
Contemporary liberalism and republicanism present clearly distinct programs for domestic politics, but the same cannot be said when it comes to global politics: the burgeoning literature on global republicanism has reproduced the divide between cosmopolitan and associational views familiar from long-standing debates among liberal egalitarians. Should republicans be cosmopolitans? Despite presence of a range of views in the literature, there is an emerging consensus that the best answer is no. This paper aims to resist the emerging consensus, arguing that republicans should be cosmopolitans. The considerations offered against cosmopolitanism generally rest on an incomplete understanding of the relationship between economic inequality or poverty on the one hand, and domination on the other. Insofar as republicans agree that promoting freedom from domination should be our central political aim, they should regard the reduction of economic inequality and poverty at home and abroad as equally pressing.
The article aims to sharpen the neo-republican contribution to international political thought by challenging Pettit’s view that only representative states may raise a valid claim to non-domination in their external relations. The argument proceeds in two steps: First I show that, conceptually speaking, the domination of states, whether representative or not, implies dominating the collective people at least in its fundamental, constitutive power. Secondly, the domination of states – and thus of their peoples – cannot be justified normatively in the name of promoting individual non-domination because such a compensatory rationale misconceives the notion of domination in terms of a discrete exercise of power instead of as an ongoing power relation. This speaks in favour of a more inclusive law of peoples than Pettit (just as his liberal counterpart Rawls) envisages: In order to accommodate the claim of collective peoples to non-domination it has to recognize every state as a member of the international order.
The paper is aimed at contributing to an empirically grounded understanding of the psychosocial dynamics that underlie the relation between heteronormative images of masculinity, internalized heterosexism and health behavior of gay men in the global North. It is based on a qualitative interview study that focuses on the consequences of the internalization of dominant images of masculinity for the identity constructions of gay men and their HIV-related sexual risk behavior in Germany. In the paper it will be argued that 1) the tension between the authoritative image of masculinity that is determined by heteronormative discourses one the one hand and the gendered self-image that is shaped and threatened by connotations of a non-masculine homosexuality on the other constitutes a decisive issue of gay identity constructions, 2) a higher sexual risk behavior can be understood as a possible consequence of the internalization of masculine images and its impact on the self-esteem, if the self-image does not match the male ideal, and 3) this may include a paradoxical desire for the imagined masculinity that is experienced as violent with regard to one’s own psychodynamics. Finally, perspectives on gay masculinities that may transgress dominant heteronormative modes of subjectification are discussed.
The Muskoka Initiative – or the Maternal, Newborn and Child Health (MNCH) Initiative has been a flagship foreign policy strategy of the Harper Conservatives since it was introduced in 2010. However, the maternal health initiative has been met with a number of key criticisms in relation to its failure to address the sexual and reproductive health needs of women in the Global South2. In this article, I examine these criticisms and expose the prevalent and problematic discourse employed in Canadian policy papers and official government speeches pertaining to the MNCH Initiative. I examine the embodiment of the MNCH and how these references to women’s bodies as “walking wombs” facilitate: the objectification and ‘othering’ of women as mothers and childbearers; a discourse of ‘saving mothers’ in a paternalistic and essentialist language; and the purposeful omission of gender equality. Feminist International Relations (IR) and post-colonial literature, as well as critical/feminist Canadian foreign policy scholarship are employed in this paper to frame these critiques.
This paper argues that it is necessary to focus on gender rather than exclusively on women in discussions on global poverty eradication. It argues firstly, that the drivers of poverty are complex and multifaceted leading to a least two different forms of deprivation – transitory and structural poverty – each requiring different forms of analysis and treatment. Transitory poverty can arise as a consequence of an event or shock that would diminish an individual’s capacity to retain or secure employment and where a State lacks an appropriate form of social protection. Structural poverty, on the other hand, arises where groups are excluded from the workforce on a more permanent basis due to a wide variety of factors of discrimination such as sex, race, ethnicity, and age. Focusing on the sex of an individual alone cannot explain why some are more likely to experience different forms of poverty than others. Policies that protect women against transitory poverty, such as care related allowances, are not sufficient to eradicate structural poverty. Secondly, structural poverty prompts an examination of gender roles and relations. Unlike the category of ‘women’, the concept of gender demands consideration of a wider range of intersecting factors that influence life chances. The structure of contemporary gender relations, where women continue to experience higher levels of violence, and carry the greatest burden of responsibility for non-market based production activities, create the social conditions where domination and dependence thrive, and where persistently high rates of poverty seem inevitable. Such circumstances are generated by human agency. Thus, thirdly, it argues that these circumstances can and should be changed through human action. Knowledge of these circumstances gives rise to moral obligations for both men and women to avoid upholding values and practices that lead to domination and dependence as a matter of basic justice.
In this paper, I examine how maternal myths are deployed in popular development literature. Using critical discourse analysis and working within a feminist postcolonial framework I analyse five texts produced by development organizations for popular consumption. I identify how maternal myths are constructed in each text and conduct a contextual analysis of four myths to identify their ideological significance within the development sector. I conclude that that in their construction of maternal myths, these texts, while intended to elicit support for gender and development interventions, reinforce exploitative gender roles and relations and limit women’s experiences of development.
As the lowest in the caste hierarchy, Dalits in Indian society have historically suffered caste-based social exclusion from economic, civil, cultural, and political rights. Women from this community suffer from not only discrimination based on their gender but also caste identity and consequent economic deprivation. Dalit women constituted about 16.60 percent of India’s female population in 2011. Dalit women’s problems encompass not only gender and economic deprivation but also discrimination associated with religion, caste, and untouchability, which in turn results in the denial of their social, economic, cultural, and political rights. They become vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation due to their gender and caste. Dalit women also become victims of abhorrent social and religious practices such as devadasi/jogini (temple prostitution), resulting in sexual exploitation in the name of religion. The additional discrimination faced by Dalit women on account of their gender and caste is clearly reflected in the differential achievements in human development indicators for this group. In all the indicators of human development, for example, literacy and longevity, Dalit women score worse than Dalit men and non-Dalit women. Thus, the problems of Dalit women are distinct and unique in many ways, and they suffer from the ‘triple burden’ of gender bias, caste discrimination, and economic deprivation. To gain insights into the economic and social status of Dalit women, our paper will delve more closely into their lives and encapsulate the economic and social situations of Dalit women in India. The analyses of human poverty and caste and gender discrimination are based on official data sets as well as a number of primary studies in the labor market and on reproductive health.
Ibegin by providing some background to conceptions of responsibility. I note the extent of disagreement in this area, the diverse and cross-cutting distinctions that are deployed, and the relative neglect of some important problems. These facts make it difficult to attribute responsibility for climate change, but so do some features of climate change itself which I go on to illuminate. Attributions of responsibility are often contested sites because such attributions are fundamentally pragmatic, mobilized in the service of a normative outlook. We should be pluralists about responsibility and shape whatever conceptions can help to explain, guide, and motivate our responses to climate change. I sketch one such notion, ‘intervention-responsibility’, and argue that it should be ascribed to international regimes and organizations, states and other jurisdictions, individuals, and firms. Each has different capacities and thus different intervention-responsibilities responsibilities, but these differences are not always mirrored in public discussion. In particular, the moral responsibility of firms has been greatly neglected.