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If Third World women form ‘the bedrock of a certain kind of global exploitation of labour,’ as Chandra Mohanty argues, how can our theoretical definitions of exploitation account for this? This paper argues that liberal theories of exploitation are insufficiently structural and that Marxian accounts are structural but are insufficiently intersectional. What we need is a structural and intersectional definition of exploitation in order to correctly identify global structural exploitation. Drawing on feminist, critical race/post-colonial and post-Fordist critiques of the Marxist definition and the intersectional accounts of Maria Mies and Iris Marion Young, this paper offers the following definition of structural exploitation: structural exploitation refers to the forced transfer of the productive powers of groups positioned as socially inferior to the advantage of groups positioned as socially superior. Global structural exploitation is a form of global injustice because it is a form of oppression.
Many theories of global distributive justice are based on the assumption that all humans hold common ownership of the earth. As the earth is finite and our actions interconnect, we need a system of justice that regulates the potential appropriation of the common earth to ensure fairness. According to these theories, imposing limits and distributive obligations on private and public property arrangements may be the best mechanism for governing common ownership. We present a critique of the assumption that this issue can be solved within the private–public property regime, arguing that the boundaries of this regime should not be taken for granted and that the growing literature on the democratic commons movement suggests how this can be accomplished. We consider that, if the earth is defined as a common, the private– public property paradigm must be open to questioning, and democratic commoners’ activities should be considered.
All cosmopolitan approaches to global distributive justice are premised on the idea that humans are the primary units of moral concern. In this paper, I argue that neither relational nor non-relational cosmopolitans can unquestioningly assume the moral primacy of humans. Furthermore, I argue that, by their own lights, cosmopolitans must extend the scope of justice to most, if not all, nonhuman animals. To demonstrate that cosmopolitans cannot simply ‘add nonhuman animals and stir,’ I examine the cosmopolitan position developed by Martha Nussbaum in Frontiers of Justice. I argue that while Nussbaum explicitly includes nonhuman animals within the scope of justice, her account is marked by an unjustifiable anthropocentric bias. I ultimately conclude that we must radically reconceptualise the primary unit of cosmopolitan moral concern to encompass most, if not all, sentient animals.
Online reading behavior can be regarded as a "new" form of cultural capital in today’s digital world. However, it is unclear whether "traditional" mechanisms of cultural and social reproduction are also found in this domain, and whether they manifest uniformly across countries at different stages of development. This article analyzes whether the early home literacy environment has an impact on informational online reading behavior among adolescents and whether this association varies between countries with different levels of digitalization and educational expansion. Data from the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) were used for the empirical analyses. The results of regression models with country-fixed effects indicate a positive association between literacy activities in early childhood and informational online reading at age 15. This association was quite stable across countries. These findings are discussed in light of cultural and social reproduction theory and digital divide research.
This paper considers the trend towards megaregionalism (TTIP, TPP) that became prominent in the trade domain in the last years of the Obama administration. While megaregionalism has fallen by the wayside since Trump’s inauguration, the underlying rationale for such treaties will most likely reassert itself rather soon. So there are structural issues that need to be discussed from a standpoint of global justice. In all likelihood, megaregionalism is detrimental to global justice. TTIP in particular, or anything like it, might derail any possibility for a trade organization to aid the pursuit of justice at the global level, and any possibility that trade will be used to that end. From the standpoint of global justice one must hope that megaregionalism does not replace WTO multilateralism. The global-justice framework used here is the grounds-of-justice approach offered in the author’s 2012 On Global Justice.
Readers of Hannah Arendt’s now classic formulation of the statelessness problem in her 1951 book The Origins of Totalitarianism abound at a moment when the number of stateless peoples worldwide continues to rise exponentially. Along with statelessness, few concepts in Arendt scholarship have spawned such a volume of literature, and perhaps none have provoked as much interest outside of the field of philosophy, as ‘the right to have rights.’ Interpreting this enigmatic term exposes the heart of our beliefs about the nature of the political and has important consequences for how we practice politics on a global scale because it implicitly takes plural human beings, and not the citizen, as its subjects. Arendt’s conceptualization of this problem remains unsurpassed in its diagnosis of the political situation of statelessness, as well as its intimate description of the human cost of what she refers to as ‘world loss,’ a phenomenon that the prevailing human rights and global justice discourse does not take into account. And yet, as an alternative framework for thinking about global politics, the right to have rights resists easy interpretation, let alone practical application.
Recent trade negotiations such as TTIP include investor protection clauses. Against the background of an analysis of the case for trade, the paper asks whether such clauses can be justified from a normative perspective. More specifically, what is the impact of investor protection on the domestic distribution of the gains from trade between labour and capital, and how should we assess this impact from the perspective of justice? In order to answer this question, the paper develops a series of ideal-type scenarios that reflect the consequences of investor protection on employment on the one hand, and on the distributive conflict between labour and capital on the other. While no claim is made which of these scenarios corresponds to TTIP or other trade agreements, they provide a useful normative framework to analyse such agreements.
The paper addresses the problem of justifying ethically sound dimensions of poverty or well-being for use in a multidimensional framework. We combine Sen’s capability approach and Rawls’ method of political constructivism and argue that the constitution and its interpretative practice can serve as an ethically suitable informational basis for selecting dimensions, under certain conditions. We illustrate our Constitutional Approach by deriving a set of well-being dimensions from an analysis of the Italian Constitution. We argue that this method is both an improvement on those used in the existing literature from the ethical point of view, and has a strong potential for providing the ethical basis of a conception of well-being for the public affairs of a pluralist society. In the final part, we elaborate on the implications for measuring well-being based on data, by ranking Italian regions in terms of well-being, and pointing out the differences in results produced by different methods.
One striking observation in Parkinson’s disease (PD) is the remarkable gender difference in incidence and prevalence of the disease. Data on gender differences with regard to disease onset, motor and non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication are limited. Furthermore, whether estrogen status affects disease onset and progression of PD is controversially discussed. In this retrospective single center study, we extracted clinical data of 226 ambulatory PD patients and compared age of disease onset, disease stage, motor impairment, non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication between genders. We applied a matched-pairs design to adjust for age and disease duration. To determine the effect of estrogen-related reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and menopause on the age of onset, we applied a standardized questionnaire and performed a regression analysis. The male to female ratio in the present PD cohort was 1.9:1 (147 men vs. 79 women). Male patients showed increased motor impairment than female patients. The levodopa equivalent daily dose was increased by 18.9% in male patients compared to female patients. Matched-pairs analysis confirmed the increased dose of dopaminergic medication in male patients. No differences were observed in age of onset, type of medication, and non-motor symptoms between both groups. Female reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and age at menopause were positively associated with a delay of disease onset up to 30 months. The disease-modifying role of estrogen-related outcome measures warrants further clinical and experimental studies targeting gender differences, specifically hormone-dependent pathways in PD.
Este artigo visa discutir os modelos de síntese pressupostos pela dialética negativa de Adorno através de aproximações de temáticas maiores da filosofia de Karl Marx. Isto nos permitirá qualificar melhor a natureza materialista da dialética negativa adorniana, abordando inclusive o impacto político de certas elaborações conceituais.
O Objetivo deste artigo consiste em apresentar fundamentos da proposta epistemológica de Jürgen Habermas, identificados em obras precedentes à sua Teoria do agir comunicativo. A partir de Teoria analítica da ciência e dialética será explorada a proposta do autor, tendo percorrido antecipadamente pela querela entre Popper e Adorno; posteriormente busca-se analisar como Habermas, em debate com seus contemporâneos, retrata sua proposta em Técnica e ciência como ideologia, considerado um marco para a Escola de Frankfurt.
Megaregional trade negotiations have become the subject of heated debate, above all in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In this article, I argue that the justice of the global order suffers from its institutional fragmentation into regime complexes. From a republican perspective, which aspires to non-domination as a guiding principles and idea of global justice, regime complexes raise specific and important challenges in that they open the door to specific forms of domination. I thereby challenge a more optimistic outlook in regime complexes, which paints a positive normative picture of regime complexes, arguing that they enable the enhancement of democracy beyond the state and, consequently, have the potential to reduce the democratic deficit in global governance. By drawing attention to how regime complexes reinforce domination-related injustice, this article contributes an original perspective on megaregionals and to exploring the implications of global justice as non-domination.
Dringlichkeiten geben häufig den Takt im Alltag vor. Denn Wettbewerbsdruck und damit verbundene Beschleunigung verändern nicht nur die Arbeitswelt, sondern auch den Familienalltag und die individuelle Lebensführung. Doch weshalb gewinnen im Umgang mit der Zeit Kriterien der Effizienz und "Rendite" so leicht an Bedeutung? Offenbar wird es keineswegs nur als leidvoll erlebt, sich daran anzupassen.
O reconhecimento é um conceito normativo. Ao reconhecermos alguém como portador de determinadas características ou capacidades, reconhecemos seu status normativo e estamos assumindo responsabilidade por tratar este alguém de determinada forma. O não reconhecimento, neste caso, pode significar privação de direitos e marginalização; em uma democracia pode impossibilitar indivíduos ou grupos de desfrutar o ideal igualitário democrático, por exemplo. Nas últimas três décadas, a reflexão sobre esta categoria se aprofundou e assumiu maior importância no debate entre liberalismo e comunitarismo em paralelo às demandas, por vezes pelas conquistas, de grupos e minorias (LGBTQIA, portadores de necessidades especiais, feministas, indígenas, étnicos, etc.) que se sentem não reconhecidos e se engajam em movimentos políticos através de lutas por reconhecimento. Retomaremos, aqui, o desenvolvimento do conceito de “eticidade” empreendido por Axel Honneth em Luta por reconhecimento (1992), obra fundamental para a reflexão sobre o tema. O autor situa sua teoria no meio termo entre a moral kantiana e as éticas comunitaristas: sua concepção é formal por entender que normas universais são condições de algumas possibilidades, mas é substantiva por se orientar pelo fim da autorrealização humana.
Aproximações entre Nietzsche e Adorno acerca da massificação da cultura e da vida administrada
(2017)
Pretendemos pensar as relações entre arte e sociedade, tendo sempre em mente a tensão irredutível entre a autonomia e a heteronomia de uma em relação a outra. Para tanto, traçaremos uma análise dos argumentos principais a respeito dessa relação dialética, em dois momentos distintos da reflexão filosófica sobre o tema. Em um primeiro momento, traremos a defesa de uma certa autonomia da arte com referência não apenas à sociedade que a produz, como também aos valores morais que são ensinados através dela, com as reflexões e, sobretudo, com as críticas de Nietzsche sobre suas interpretações da tragédia clássica, a partir principalmente de O Nascimento da Tragédia, para, em um segundo momento, poder traçar um paralelo dessa argumentação com a constatação de Adorno a respeito da instrumentalização e da comercialização da arte, no contexto contemporâneo, expondo algumas das críticas de Nietzsche realizadas no séc. XIX sobre as produções culturais gregas do séc. IV a. C. e contextualizando-as em relação aos fenômenos estéticos contemporâneos.
Advances in information and communication technologies enable more decentralized and individualized mechanisms for coordination and for managing societal complexity. This has important consequences for the role of conditionality and the idea of individual responsibility in two seemingly unrelated policy areas. First, the changing information infrastructure enables an extension of conditionality in the area of welfare through greater activation, enhanced self-management, and a personalization of risks. Second, conditionality and personal responsibility also form an important ideational template and a legitimatory basis for facilitating value creation that is based on data as a raw material. This argument is illustrated looking at the trajectories of the digital strategies in the United Kingdom and Germany. In both cases, data protection is depicted as a question of individual responsibility and tied to certain forms of individual conduct.
Este artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre a obra recente de Axel Honneth. Começando por uma exposição de seu projeto teórico mais amplo, descrito em O direito da liberdade (2011) como uma teoria da justiça sociologicamente ancorada, o artigo demonstra como Honneth se move da ideia de uma luta por reconhecimento em direção à ideia de intersubjetividade institucional. Este movimento, porém, é acompanhado por críticas que vêm nesta passagem o abandono das ambições críticas de seu modelo e um compromisso reformista com a ordem capitalista de mercado. A fim de responder a estas objeções, Honneth propõe uma reatualização da ideia do socialismo (2015) a partir da noção de liberdade social, concluindo com uma distinção entre duas formas de luta por reconhecimento, uma interna e outra externa – e defendendo as vantagens da primeira.
From reciprocal recognition to a society that is properly 'social' : on Axel Honneth's recent work
(2017)
This paper addresses Axel Honneth's recent endeavors to defend his theory of justice, broadly described in Freedom's right (2011) as an analysis of society. The paper begins by exposing Honneth's model as a theory of institutional intersubjectivity rather than a theory of the struggle for recognition. This model, however, was subject to criticism due to its supposed acceptance of the capitalistic market economy as a social order. In order to defend it from such objections, Honneth (2016) exposes the normative core of socialist ideals as a version of social freedom. Finally, he presents a distinction between two forms of political intervention: an internal and an external struggle for recognition – and asserts the advantages of the former.
Intersubjetividade e ontologia social nas revisões da teoria do reconhecimento de Axel Honneth
(2017)
O artigo sintetiza as revisões que Axel Honneth impôs a sua obra após a recepção crítica de Luta por reconhecimento (1992), propondo compreendê-las como passos intermediários em direção ao novo modelo crítico apresentado em O direito da liberdade (2011), chamado por Honneth de reconstrução normativa. O objetivo não é examinar as determinações de método da reconstrução normativa, mas percorrer o caminho intelectual de Honneth entre suas duas obras principais, explicitando as revisões e os novos pressupostos da obra “madura” do autor. Essas revisões, concentradas ao redor de uma compreensão considerada por Honneth como mais adequada da intersubjetividade e da ontologia social, escoram e justificam as decisões de método do último livro. Desde o início de sua elaboração teórica, Honneth teve de lidar com a objeção de cometer sistematicamente uma falácia naturalista ao buscar o fulcro de uma teoria crítica da sociedade na experiência concreta do sofrimento. Mesmo Luta por reconhecimento ainda esteve justificadamente sujeito à mesma crítica, como Honneth viria a admitir. Argumento que o objetivo das revisões levadas a cabo na década de 2000 foi sanar essa lacuna, encontrando, por um lado, um índice de racionalidade interno ao próprio ato de reconhecimento, e, por outro, um índice de racionalidade presente nas normas e práticas sociais sedimentadas historicamente por relações de reconhecimento.