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This dissertation deals with the lexical, morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of (VP )idioms and their behavior in combination with restrictive relative clauses, raising, constituent fronting, wh-movement, VP-ellipsis, pronominalization, the progressive form, verb placement, passivization, conjunction modification, and the N-after-N construction. It provides empirical evidence towards a combinatorial analysis of both semantically non-decomposable idioms (SNDIs) and semantically decomposable idioms (SDIs) and contributes to the (formal) formulation of such an account.
The Introduction (Chapter 1) first motivates why idioms are an exciting and challenging phenomenon and then gives a definition of the term idiom, a classification of idioms, and an overview of the wide spectrum of idiom analyses found in the linguistic literature.
Chapter 2, “Idioms as evidence for the proper analysis of relative clauses”, shows that the Modification Analysis beats the other two major analyses of restrictive relative clauses (RRCs), namely Raising and Matching, as (i) the latter two lead to a loss of numerous empirical generalizations in syntax and morphology, and (ii) contrary to the assumption in the literature, idioms in RRCs can, in fact, be licensed without literal syntactic movement of the RRC-head, which makes modification fully compatible with idiom reconstruction effects.
Chapter 3, “How frozen are frozen idioms?”, presents new empirical observations on the lexical, morphological, and syntactic flexibility of kick the bucket and displays that this idiom is not completely frozen with respect to its NP complement, the progressive form, and, in some contexts, even passivization. The chapter concludes that analyses of kick the bucket as a single lexical entry should be replaced by analyses of this and other SNDIs with a syntactically regular shape as consisting of individual word-level lexical entries that combine according to the standard rules of syntax.
This idea is taken up in Chapter 4, “The syntactic flexibility of semantically non-decomposable idioms”, which – based on the differences between English and German with regard to verb placement, constituent fronting, and passivization as well as a short outlook on Estonian and French – spells out a combinatorial analysis of SNDIs and augments it with a semantic analysis formulated in Lexical Resource Semantics, according to which some idiom parts make identical semantic contributions to the overall meaning of the idiom. The analysis further suggests that the syntactic flexibility of idioms is due to the semantic and pragmatic constraints on the involved constructions, rather than the syntactic encoding of the idioms.
Chapter 5, “Modification of literal meanings in semantically non-decomposable idioms”, reviews Ernst’s (1981) classical three types of idiom modification (internal, external, and conjunction) to then closely investigate the most challenging type, namely conjunction modification, in SNDIs. Based on naturally occurring examples of four SNDIs (two English, two German), it sketches an analysis in terms of two or more conjoined independent propositions, each of which can be the result of figurative reinterpretation. One of the propositions contains the idiomatic meaning, in (one of) the other(s), the meaning of the modifier applies to the literal meaning of the idiom’s noun.
Chapter 6, “Semantically decomposable idioms in the N-after-N construction”, offers a formal syntactic and semantic account of SDIs like pull strings in the N-after-N construction, as in Kim pulled string after string to get Alex into a good college. While the idiom contributes the type of entity at stake (‘string’ in the case of pull strings), N-after-N contributes that there are several instantiations of that type of entity and that these are subject to temporal or spatial succession. The chapter first summarizes the empirical properties of N-after-N, then provides an account of N-after-N in Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), presents an updated version of the account of SDIs suggested in Chapter 2 within HPSG, and combines it with the HPSG account of N-after-N.
Von A bis Å. (Fast) alles über die Frankfurter Skandinavistik. Ausgabe 6 ; Sommersemester 2023
(2023)
Restructuration des répertoires langagiers de migrant·e·s de la République du Congo en Lorraine
(2023)
Cette thèse étudie la complexité du plurilinguisme des migrant·e·s d’origine de la République du Congo en Lorraine à travers le prisme de la restructuration des répertoires langagiers. En affûtant la conceptualisation de la restructuration des répertoires langagiers par l’étude du plurilinguisme des migrant·e·s d’origine congolaise, cette recherche ouvre de nouvelles perspectives pour les recherches portant sur le plurilinguisme, notamment concernant les mobilités transgénérationnelles et la diversité des processus de restructuration façonnant les répertoires langagiers. En se focalisant sur les biographies langagières et migratoires de 15 individus migrants, sur leurs réseaux sociaux et sur leurs ressources langagières, cette étude révèle la diversité des processus et des facteurs au cœur des restructurations des répertoires langagiers à travers une étude ethnographique multi-située en Lorraine et au Congo. La compréhension de la diversité des dynamiques restructurant les connaissances langagières des enquêté·e·s passe par l’étude des situations de socialisation langagière au Congo dans leur historicité, des itinéraires de migration et des restructurations des réseaux sociaux ainsi que des répertoires langagiers dans l’installation en Lorraine. Les participations à la société lorraine et ses groupes sociaux imprègnent les identifications, les orientations sociales et les positionnements dans les réseaux sociaux et vice-versa.
Les répertoires langagiers apparaissent comme des enregistrements de la mobilité des individus et de celle des générations antérieures ainsi que de leur entourage. Les restructurations concernent entre autres les ressources associées au français, aux langues congolaises et à d’autres langues appropriées par la migration. Les ressources du français sont restructurées par les migrant·e·s en s’appropriant les ressources courantes dans différentes situations sociales en Lorraine, en marquant et/ou en dissimulant les ressources appropriées ailleurs et inappropriées dans ces situations. En même temps, un savoir de différenciation des ressources, dont font aussi partie les schémas de catégorisation et les stratégies communicatives, est développé et une (in)sécurité langagière se manifeste. Les ressources associées aux langues congolaises, leurs fonctions sociales et leurs représentations sont restructurées dans des processus d’attrition, d’actualisation, de transformation et d’élaboration langagière. Les ressources associées à d’autres langues européennes appropriées par la migration sont reléguées au second plan et se perdent lentement par manque d’usage. Enfin, les connaissances liées à la gestion du plurilinguisme, de la diversité culturelle et de l’altérité, appropriées dans les mêmes situations de diversité, aident au traitement interne des expériences des mobilités spatiales et sociales ainsi que des restructurations des répertoires langagiers.
Von A bis Å. (Fast) alles über die Frankfurter Skandinavistik. Ausgabe 5 ; Wintersemester 2022/23
(2022)
Von A bis Å. (Fast) alles über die Frankfurter Skandinavistik. Ausgabe 4 ; Sommersemester 2022
(2022)
Von A bis Å. (Fast) alles über die Frankfurter Skandinavistik. Ausgabe 3 ; Wintersemester 2021
(2021)
Von A bis Å. (Fast) alles über die Frankfurter Skandinavistik. Ausgabe 2 ; Sommersemester 2021
(2021)
Von A bis Å. (Fast) alles über die Frankfurter Skandinavistik. Ausgabe 1 ; Wintersemester 2020/21
(2020)
Unquestionably (or: undoubtedly), every competent speaker has already come to doubt with respect to the question of which form is correct or appropriate and should be used (in the standard language) when faced with two or more almost identical competing variants of words, word forms or sentence and phrase structure (e.g. German "Pizzas/Pizzen/Pizze" 'pizzas', Dutch "de drie mooiste/mooiste drie stranden" 'the three most beautiful/most beautiful three beaches', Swedish "större än jag/mig" 'taller than I/me'). Such linguistic uncertainties or "cases of doubt" (cf. i.a. Klein 2003, 2009, 2018; Müller & Szczepaniak 2017; Schmitt, Szczepaniak & Vieregge 2019; Stark 2019 as well as the useful collections of data of Duden vol. 9, Taaladvies.net, Språkriktighetsboken etc.) systematically occur also in native speakers and they do not necessarily coincide with the difficulties of second language learners. In present-day German, most grammatical uncertainties occur in the domains of inflection (nominal plural formation, genitive singular allomorphy of strong masc./neut. nouns, inflectional variation of weak masc. nouns, strong/weak adjectival inflection and comparison forms, strong/weak verb forms, perfect auxiliary selection) and word-formation (linking elements in compounds, separability of complex verbs). As for syntax, there are often doubts in connection with case choice (pseudo-partitive constructions, prepositional case government) and agreement (especially due to coordination or appositional structures). This contribution aims to present a contrastive approach to morphological and syntactic uncertainties in contemporary Germanic languages (mostly German, Dutch, and Swedish) in order to obtain a broader and more fine-grained typology of grammatical instabilities and their causes. As will be discussed, most doubts of competent speakers - a problem also for general linguistic theory - can be attributed to processes of language change in progress, to language or variety contact, to gaps and rule conflicts in the grammar of every language or to psycholinguistic conditions of language processing. Our main concerns will be the issues of which (kinds of) common or different critical areas there are within Germanic (and, on the other hand, in which areas there are no doubts), which of the established (cross-linguistically valid) explanatory approaches apply to which phenomena and, ultimately, the question whether the new data reveals further lines of explanation for the empirically observable (standard) variation.
This dissertation investigates a special class of anaphoric form, yè, in Ewe known as the logophoric pronoun. This research makes a number of novel observations.
In the first chapter, I introduce the reader to the phenomenon under investigation as well as provide information on Ewe and its dialects and, methodology. In Chapter 2, I present the pronominal system of Ewe which is categorised into strong and weak forms following Cardinaletti & Starke (1994) and Agbedor (1996). The distribution of pronouns is outlined which sets the tone for an overview of logophoric marking. In this respect, I present variations in logophoric marking strategies cross linguistically and show that Ewe differs significantly from other pronouns in this category. In an effort to explain the deviant case of yè, I entertain the idea that yè is a pure logophoric pronoun in the sense of Clements (1975) and thus, its additional de re and strict interpretation does not imply non-logophoricity.
Chapter 3 demonstrates that yè is sensitive to contexts which portray the intention of an individual. Following Sells (1987), the antecedent of yè must have an intention to communicate. I broadly categorize logophoric contexts into reportative (direct-indirect speech) or non-reportative (speaker’s mental attitude, reporter’s observation or background knowledge of a situation). Based on this categorization, indirect speech report (Clements 1975), dis- course units such as a paragraph or an episode (Clements 1975), and sentential adjuncts such as purpose, causal and consequence clauses (Culy 1994a) are reviewed. The logophoric pro- noun occurs in the complement of attitude verbs (Clements 1975), also termed logocentric (à la (Stirling 1994)) or logophoric predicates (à la (Culy 1994a)) as well as with non-attitudinal verbs (e.g. va ‘come’ or wO ‘do’ as in sentential adjuncts). I argue contra Clements (1975) and Culy (1994a) that yè can occur with perception predicates. I further provide three new instances of non-reportative contexts which are compatible with yè namely, as-if clauses, benefactive na clauses and alesi ‘how’ clauses. I show, corroborating previous studies that contexts which are necessary for the licensing of yè include all of the aforementioned except causal clauses. Among these contexts, the complementizer be or regarding cases where there is no be, an element in C (due to the Doubly-Filled-Comp Filter (DFCF) c.f. Chomsky & Lasnik (1977)), is sufficient to license yè. Following Bimpeh & Sode (2021), yè is licensed by feature checking (in the spirit of von Stechow (2004)): be bears the interpretatble [log] feature which checks the uninterpretable [log] feature of yè. I include a redefinition of logophoricity as pertaining to Ewe.
Given the disparity found in the literature concerning the interpretation of yè: Ewedome (pronounce EVedome) has only de se readings (Bimpeh 2019); while ‘pure’ Ewe, Mina (variety of Ewe spoken in Togo) Pearson (2015), Danyi (O’Neill 2015) and Anlo (pronounced ANlO) (Satık 2019) has de re readings; chapter 4 aims at lending empirical support to the ungoing discussion by verifying the interpretation of yè. Two acceptability judgment tasks were conducted namely, truth value judgment task and binary forced choice task. The results corroborates Pearson (2012, 2015) and others’ discovery that yè has a de re interpretation in the Ewedome (contra Bimpeh (2019); Bimpeh et al. (2022)), Anlo and Tonu (pronounced TONu) dialects of Ewe.
In chapter 5, I discuss the relation between logophoricity (yè, yè a) and Control (PRO). I show that yè may be restricted to a set of verbs which obligatorily require the morpheme a ‘potential marker’ (Essegbey 2008), in subject position. This set of verbs are those that are known as control verbs c.f. (Landau 1999) in English. As a result of this restriction, research such as Satık (2019) claims that yè a is the overt instantiation of PRO in English. According to the Ewe facts, it appears as though on one hand, yè and PRO share similar properties in logophoric contexts and on the other hand, yè in combination with the potential marker, a also share properties with PRO in subject control environments. Against this background, I discuss the relation between yè, yè a and PRO and show that neither yè in isolation nor yè in combination with a, contrary to Satık (2019), is the overt instantiation of PRO. I clarify that the potential morpheme a is not cliticised or combined with the logophoric yè. The two forms are seperate morphemes. The potential marker a only shows up in control environments because a sub-class of verbs require it for grammaticality purposes. As such, the property of de se-ness does not come from yè by itself, yè a or a but rather from the sub-class of verbs which require the potential marker a...
Viele benutzen sie täglich, sind sich dessen aber gar nicht bewusst: Ideophone wie »ratzfatz«, »ruckzuck« oder »pillepalle« kommen vor allem in der gesprochenen deutschen Sprache vor. Ihre Rolle im System Sprache ist bislang aber kaum erforscht. Eine junge Linguistin an der Goethe-Universität will das ändern. Sie schreibt ihre Doktorarbeit über die Semantik und Pragmatik von Ideophonen.
Im Jahre 1772 begann Johann Wolfgang Goethe sein Opus magnum. Der Stoff, der zunächst als »Urfaust« in die Literaturgeschichte eingehen sollte, begleitete ihn bis zum Lebensende. Den Weg bis zur Vollendung von »Faust II« macht ein ebenfalls opulentes Projekt transparent: Die »Faust Edition digital«, die unter der Regie von Goethe-Expertin Prof. Anne Bohnenkamp-Renken entstanden ist.