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„Football“, „soccer“ in British terms, is the most famous sport of the world. The history of the football goes back to the ancient times. In this article, the football terms used in Germany and Turkey are handled together with the historical development of football. Various differences and similarities between these terms and their features are also demonstrated.
Die Rhetorik, die im Türkischen als "Belagat/Belagat Sanatı" (Hitabet Sanatı) bezeichnet wird, ist ein mehr oder minder ausgebautes System gedanklicher und sprachlicher Formen, die dem Zweck der vom Redenden in der Situation beabsichtigten Wirkung dienen können (Lausberg 1990: 13). In vielen verschiedenen Bereichen wie Wirtschaft, Politik, Verwaltung, Theologie und Werbung wird in großem Maße von der Rhetorik profitiert. Der Anwendungsbereich der Rhetorik ist jedoch nicht nur auf das Reden begrenzt; die Rhetorik liefert ein detailliertes Modell zur Herstellung von Texten und kann deshalb auch als Texttheorie verstanden werden (Braungart 1997: 290). In diesem Zusammenhang wird die Rhetorik als Instrument der Textbeschreibung und –analyse bezeichnet (Braungart 1997: 290). Laut Gero von Wilpert (2001: 687) übt die Rhetorik durch die künstlichen Schmuckformen einen starken Einfluss auf die schriftlichen Texte, insbesondere auf die Literatur, aus, da die Dichter oder Schriftsteller ihre Werke mit der ästhetischen Kraft der Sprache erstellen. In den Texten wird die Rhetorik durch die sprachlichen Formen und Figuren präsentiert, die im Deutschen als "Rhetorische Figuren" und im Türkischen "Edebi Sanatlar" bezeichnet werden.
Die folgende Untersuchung hat das Ziel, die deutschen rhetorischen Figuren mit den türkischen zu vergleichen und Ähnlichkeiten sowie Unterschiede zwischen den rhetorischen Figuren anhand von den Beispielsätzen in beiden Sprachen aufzudecken und zu analysieren.
In order to disseminate the information in newspapers, one of the instruments that increase sharing of knowledge in the globalizing world, at the international level, it is obligatory to translate texts from the source language to other languages. However, there are some criteria taken into account in order to transfer the information to a large target audience during the preparation of news. These criteria should also be taken into consideration while translating this kind of texts. Especially in the translation of news texts that are oriented towards the target audience and that address the knowledge/ interest levels of the target audience, the decisions and approaches of the translator are determining. In this study, the discussion will be based on what kind of knowledge the journalists/ translators who translate news texts should have. In this context, an analysis will be carried out regarding which factors have had a determining role in the translation of news in Turkish as source language into German to be used in a German newspaper.
This paper aims to determine and classify by syntactic criteria, the functions of reflexivity (reflexive pronoun kendi) in Turkish, in contrast to German.
Reflexivity in Turkish can be expressed by synthetic elements such as affixes, but also by an analytical element – the reflexive pronoun kendi. And in German it is formed by the reflexive pronoun sich. The reflexive pronoun sich in German used both in anaphorical and lexical functions, which can be distinguished from each other by certain criteria.
Complement control is a well-known phenomenon in Turkish linguistics, and different proposals for analysing it are available. The majority of these treat control as a structural phenomenon, cf. Kerslake (1987), Özsoy (1987; 2001) and Kural (1998). In sum, control is predicted only in sentences with complement clauses formed with the suffixes -mEk and -mE, which can be case-marked, but the appearance of a possessive marker definitely precludes control. As far as the control relations are concerned, the research so far has attested the classical cases of subject and object control. In addition to that, variable control is discussed by Taylan (1996). The status of the controlled element is discussed by Bozşahin (in press), which concludes that the syntactic subject is appointed by this function in Turkish.
In this paper I will argue that the currently established approach to control is insufficient. The shortcomings of a strictly configurational approach become clear if a broader perspective on control is adopted. I follow the approach to control outlined by Stiebels (this volume), and show that two types of control must be distinguished. Inherent control is encoded in the lexical entry of the verb. Verbs which show inherent control either select only control-inducing structures or trigger control in environments not requiring control. Structural control, on the other hand, arises through the use of a control-inducing structure with a verb which does not inherently require control. Structural control verbs show control only with control-inducing structures. No control occurs with such verbs in other configurations. The data discussed in this paper will show that control is a ‘mixed’ phenomenon, since it may arise structurally or semantically. Its explanation must therefore consider the semantics of the relevant matrix verbs and the syntactic properties of complement clauses on an equal basis.
It has been hypothesized that sounds which are less perceptible are more likely to be altered than more salient sounds, the rationale being that the loss of information resulting from a change in a sound which is difficult to perceive is not as great as the loss resulting from a change in a more salient sound. Kohler (1990) suggested that the tendency to reduce articulatory movements is countered by perceptual and social constraints, finding that fricatives are relatively resistant to reduction in colloquial German. Kohler hypothesized that this is due to the perceptual salience of fricatives, a hypothesis which was supported by the results of a perception experiment by Hura, Lindblom, and Diehl (1992). These studies showed that the relative salience of speech sounds is relevant to explaining phonological behavior. An additional factor is the impact of different acoustic environments on the perceptibility of speech sounds. Steriade (1997) found that voicing contrasts are more common in positions where more cues to voicing are available. The P-map, proposed by Steriade (2001a, b), allows the representation of varying salience of segments in different contexts. Many researchers have posited a relationship between speech perception and phonology. The purpose of this paper is to provide experimental evidence for this relationship, drawing on the case of Turkish /h/ deletion.
This paper presents a short overview of Turkey and the Turkish language, and then outlines the process of adapting the Multilingual Assessment Instrument for Narratives (MAIN) to Turkish and how the Turkish MAIN has been used with monolingual and bilingual children. The grammatical features of Turkish, the critical points in the adaptation process of MAIN to Turkish and our experiences of extensive piloting of the Turkish MAIN with typically developing monolingual children are described.
It has been claimed and widely assumed that caseless direct objects in Turkish exhibit a sort of syntactic incorporation, and only their cased counterparts are true syntactic arguments (Kornfilt 1997; Knecht 1986; Nilsson 1986; Öztürk 2005 among others). Cased and caseless objects are thus widely taken as derivationally related, crystallized in Kelepir's (2001) proposal that objects pick up overt accusative as they move out of the VP. In this paper, I would like to revisit both the empirical evidence and the interpretation leading to these claims and propose revisions.
I first show that not all caseless objects are the same. Mostly drawing on Aydemir (2004), I argue that bare caseless objects and those with indefinite expressions have differences that would be very unusual if they were both incorporated. However, adopting Öztürk (2005) and against Aydemir (2004), neither of the cases can be analyzed as head incorporation.
I then turn to the cased vs. caseless distinction and argue that cased and caseless objects are not that different after all. Based on data with strictly controlled information structure, I arrive at a different generalization than most of the earlier reports and claim that caseless objects are morphosyntactically as moveable as their cased counterparts.
Hence, I propose to replace the notion of incorporation in the literature of Turkish syntax with the notion of weak case (de Hoop 1992) and conclude by a discussion of the domain of syntactic analysis in this primarily semantic phenomenon.
In der deutschen Gegenwartssprache sind die Funktionsverbgefüge (FVG) die über lange Zeit vor allem nur unter stilistischen Gesichtpunkten betrachtet und meist als schlechter Stil abgewertet wurden, mit dem Aufsatz Peter von Polenz (1963) in zunehmendem Maße in das Blickfeld der linguistischen Untersuchungen getreten. In den folgenden Jahren erschienen mehrere Arbeiten zu den FVG, in denen vor allem ihre semantischen, syntaktischen und kommunikativen Leistungen untersucht worden. Die als FVG in der Fachliteratur erfassten Konstruktionen bestehen bekanntlich aus einem Funktionsverb(FV) und einem deverbativen Substantiv, auch manchmal nomen actionis genannt. Funktionsverb und Verbalsubstantiv bilden zusammen sowohl strukturell als auch semantisch eine lexikalische Einheit, z. B. Kritik üben; in Verbindung treten. Kennzeichnend für diese Einheiten ist, dass die eigentliche Bedeutung der FVG im Substantiv liegt, während das Verb der ganzen Einheit nur eine grammatisch-syntaktische Funktion ausübt. Auch im Türkischen sind derartige aus Verben und Verbalsubstantiven bestehende Fügungen vorhanden. Sie stimmen im Hinblick auf ihre Konstruktionen mit den FVG im Deutschen überein […]. Die vorliegende Arbeit verfolgt das Ziel, die Fragen zu erörtern, wie die FVG und VF gebildet werden und welche syntaktischen Konstruktionen dieser FVG und VF ermöglicht werden. Das Hauptaugenmerk gilt den semantischen und syntaktischen Funktionen dieser sprachlichen Phänomene. Dabei geht es weniger darum, die Formen und Funktionen der FVG und VF bis ins kleinste Detail darzustellen. Hier werden vielmehr ihre Formen und Funktionen behandelt, die für eine kontrastive Betrachtung interessant. Die Arbeit hat vor allem theoretischen Charakter und sie ist nicht an einem Korpus orientiert. Die Beschreibung basiert auf der eigene Sprachkompetenz.
Zweifelsohne gehören Fußnoten nicht zum Ideal einer literarischen Übersetzung [...]. Dennoch gibt es nicht wenige solcher Literaturübersetzungen. Ein Beispiel besonderer Art stellt die von Nijad Akipek erstellte und im Jahre 1949 veröffentlichte türkische Erstübersetzung von Theodor Fontanes Roman Effi Briest (1894) dar. Besonders auffallend bei dieser Erstübersetzung sind die mehr als 220 Anmerkungen des Übersetzers in Form von Fußnoten. Dass ein Übersetzer in einem Roman Fußnoten in diesem Umfang einfügt, stellt einen Sonderfall dar und soll darum übersetzungskritisch analysiert werden. Auch in der fast 60 Jahre später von Kasım Eğit erstellten Neuübersetzung2 des Romans im Jahre 2007 finden sich ebenso noch einige Anmerkungen in Form von Fußnoten, jedoch in der Anzahl außerordentlich weniger. Auf welche Anmerkungen auch Eğit nicht verzichten will bzw. kann, soll im Anschluss weiter unten analysiert werden.
Recent critical discussions of German migrant and post-migrant literature has repeatedly focussed on the phenomenon of the exotic: where some writers seem consciously to exoticise their writing, exaggerating myths about Oriental culture and thus highlighting differences between East and West, perhaps with the aim of making foreigners exciting, likeable or deserving of sympathy, others react against this, rejecting clichés and highlighting continuities, apparently with the aim of making cultural boundaries traversable. Both are understandable strategies tor dealing with displacement. ln this context l should like to adopt a term from quite a different discipline. Bultmanns concept of demythologising. ln theology, demythologising means dissectting the "myth" - the sacred but implausible narrative - to distil from it a kerygmatic truth. If we regard the exotic as being, in this technical sense, the "myth", then it is not entirely devoid of a relationship to reality, but it cannot simply be read as "teal". Thus demythologising is the opposite process to exoticising. Drawing on satirical texts by four Turkish-German writers and cabaretts, this paper looks at ways in which this ethnic minority can use ironic self-depiction to capture and defuse the stereotypes with which it is confronted. Under the rubric "cold turkey", that is, Turkishness without the psychedelics, it shows how the satirists transpose clichés into everyday situations, where they become absurd. The paper’s conclusion is likely to be that hybrid communities are inevitably torn between a desire to highlight demarcation lines (exoticism) and a need to accentuate the potential for assimilation (demythologising). Humour, which in any case has a tendency either to underline or to debunk stereotypes, serves as a highly effective tool for working out this dichotomy, and as all four satirists have successfully reached main-stream German audiences, it would also appear to be a key mechanism in achieving intet-cultural understanding.
This article aims to show that imagology is a promising method for analysing images of the European Other and the Turkish Self as expressed in Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar's novel "Huzur" (1948; trans. "A Mind at Peace", 2007). The narrative challenges the rhetoric of early Turkish nationalism by promoting a synthesis of the national present with both the melancholically evoked Ottoman heritage and with European cultures. At the same time, the novel's protagonists stand for diverse and often contradicting conceptions of Self and Other and thus provide an insight into the various identity conflicts present in Republican Turkey.