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In the latest contribution to the Democracy Papers, Thomas Zittel explores when and how polarization becomes a cause for democratic anxiety. He argues that polarization over traditional policy issues is not in itself harmful, and can even be beneficial for democracies. However, he warns that polarization in which parties become divided over the acceptable rules of the game is a problem for democracies. Unfortunately, this latter type of division is increasingly common on both sides of the Atlantic today.
The democratic boundary problem raises the question of who has democratic participation rights in a given polity and why. One possible solution to this problem is the all-affected principle (AAP), according to which a polity ought to enfranchise all persons whose interests are affected by the polity’s decisions in a morally significant way. While AAP offers a plausible principle of democratic enfranchisement, its supporters have so far not paid sufficient attention to economic participation rights. I argue that if one commits oneself to AAP, one must also commit oneself to the view that political participation rights are not necessarily the only, and not necessarily the best, way to protect morally weighty interests. I also argue that economic participation rights raise important worries about democratic accountability, which is why their exercise must be constrained by a number of moral duties.
While global justice theorists heatedly discuss the responsibilities of the affluent and powerful, those states which can legitimately be seen as victims of global injustice have seldom, if ever, been considered as duty bearers to whom responsibilities can be attached. However, recognising agents whose options are constrained not only as victims, but also as duty bearers is necessary as a proof of respect for their agency and indispensable to mobilise the type of action required to alter global injustices. In this article, I explore what responsibilities state officials of dominated states have. I argue that they have the responsibility to resist domination in the name of the dominated states members. While under particular circumstances this responsibility gives rise to a duty to engage in acts of state civil disobedience, under other circumstances state officials of dominated states ought to resist domination in an internal, attitudinal way by recognising themselves as outcome responsible agents.
Der eine gibt nur wenige Cents, der nächste lässt beim Trinkgeld etwas mehr springen. Am Extra-Obolus, der Rechnung plus X, scheiden sich die Geister. Ein Forschungsseminar an der Goethe-Universität hat zum Thema Trinkgeld ein Semester lang Gäste und Kellner/innen befragt – mit überraschenden Ergebnissen.
"Post-truth" is a failed concept, both epistemically and politically because its simplification of the relationship between truth and politics cripples our understanding and encourages authoritarianism. This makes the diagnosis of our "post-truth era" as dangerous to democratic politics as relativism with its premature disregard for truth. In order to take the step beyond relativ- ism and "post-truth", we must conceptualise the relationship between truth and politics differently by starting from a "non-sovereign" understanding of truth.
La experiencia del arte en todas sus variedades tiene siempre una dimensión cognitiva. También las experiencias estéticas negativas la tienen, muy especialmente en el arte contemporáneo. Éstas pueden estar determinadas por el contenido y o los medios de la obra o por los efectos de la misma. Lo que da lugar a una variada tipología de experiencias del arte con uno o más aspectos negativos. La teoría estética de T.W. Adorno nos proporciona diversas herramientas para repensar esta variedad de la cognición artística. En la medida que se trata de una estética negativa, categorías de la misma como las de carácter enigmático, autonomía, resistencia o comunicación de lo incomunicable, nos ofrecen vías para entender el lugar de las experiencias negativas en el arte contemporáneo y su función cognitiva.
Cross-border exchange and comparison of forensic DNA data in the context of the Prüm decision
(2018)
This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the LIBE Committee, provides an overview of the Prüm regime. It first considers the background of the Prüm Convention and Prüm Decision. The subsequent two chapters summarize the Prüm regime in relation mainly to DNA data looking at value and shortcomings; and ethical, legal and social implications of forensic DNA typing and databasing in relation to the Prüm regime. Finally, based on the analysis, it provides the policy recommendations.
There are longstanding calls for international organizations (IOs) to be more inclusive of the voices and interests of people whose lives they affect. There is nevertheless widespread disagreement among practitioners and political theorists over who ought to be included in IO decision-making and by what means. This paper focuses on the inclusion of IOs’ ‘intended beneficiaries,’ both in principle and practice. It argues that IOs’ intended beneficiaries have particularly strong normative claims for inclusion because IOs can affect their vital interests and their political agency. It then examines how these claims to inclusion might be feasibly addressed. The paper proposes a model of inclusion via representation and communication, or ‘mediated inclusion.’ An examination of existing practices in global governance reveals significant opportunities for the mediated inclusion of IOs’ intended beneficiaries, as well as pervasive obstacles. The paper concludes that the inclusion of intended beneficiaries by IOs is both appropriate and feasible.
Una historia filosófica de la identidad estadounidense: Balance de propuestas y su crisis actual
(2018)
Este trabajo de síntesis crítica, realiza un balance de los principales aportes de pensamiento que han favorecido la configuración de la identidad estadounidense y su reformulación periódica. Se sistematizan las escuelas, según su transición de teólogos-políticos (como los puritanos, carismáticos y trascendentalistas, con aportes tipo pactismo bíblico, libre albedrío, caridad pietista, destino manifiesto, etc.), pasando por filósofos pragmáticos (como los constituyentes, democratizadores y reconstructores, con recursos como libre-pensamiento -free masonry & whigs-, federalismo, pragmatismo, etc.), hasta académicos socio culturales (sobre todo, de Estudios culturales, vía nociones de consenso, v.g. fronterismo, excepcionalismo y crisol cultural; así como artificios de hecho diferencial –a raíz de la fuga de cerebros de la Escuela de Frankfurt, Normale Annales, Birmingham, etc.-, con categorías de clase, status y conflicto social, metámeros etnoculturales, constructos de género, etc.). El estudio llega hasta la crisis actual, sin soluciones generalmente aceptadas y bajo la amenaza transoccidental.
An die Soziologie werden zunehmend Fragen des ökonomischen Nutzens und der gesellschaftlichen Relevanz herangetragen. Ein Wissen um den gesellschaftlichen Impact soziologischen Wissens und die Artikulation eines Nutzens für die Praxis sind wertvolle Werkzeuge im Kampf um die Alimentation soziologischer Forschung. Aber wie wird soziologisches Wissen überhaupt angewendet? Um diese Frage zu beantworten, wird soziologisches Wissen definiert und dessen Anwendung expliziert. Unter Zuhilfenahme von Wissenschaftstheorie und Wissenssoziologie wird zunächst eine Definition erarbeitet. Anschließend werden Forschungsgebiete, die sich mit der Anwendung von (soziologischen) Wissen beschäftigen, vorgestellt – allen voran die soziologische Verwendungsforschung. Darauf aufbauend wird eine Explikation der Anwendung soziologischen Wissens erarbeitet, vor dessen Hintergrund aktuelle Bemühungen, soziologisches Wissen stärker anzuwenden, betrachtet werden. Die abschließende Diskussion beschäftigt sich mit den Möglichkeiten und Restriktionen der Anwendung soziologischen Wissens und betont die Rolle der Soziologie als kritische gesellschaftliche Aufklärungsinstanz.
My study examined MMA training, and thereby the ‘back region’ of MMA, where the ‘everyday life’ of MMA takes place. I enquired into how MMA training corresponds with MMA’s self-description, namely the somehow self-contradicting notion that MMA fights would be dangerous combative goings-on of approximately real fighting, but that MMA fighters would be able to approach these incalculable and uncontrolla-ble combative dangers as calculable and controllable risks.235 Conducting an ethnog-raphy in which I focused on the combination of participation and observation, I stud-ied how the specific interaction organisations of the three core training practices of MMA training provide the training students with specific combative experiences and how they thereby construct the social reality that is MMA training....
O objetivo deste artigo é discutir como os projetos intelectuais de Fraser e Honneth seguiram vias diversas após o debate que ambos publicaram em 2003 e como estas vias podem ser apropriadas pela teoria social feita no Brasil. Se no momento da discussão, tanto Fraser quanto Honneth pro- curaram demonstrar a maior adequação de suas respectivas teorias para a análise das lutas sociais e a possibilidade de uma apropriação deu seus modelos pelos movimentos sociais, de modo que o caráter político do debate fosse expresso na forma como movimentos sociais, remeteriam aos termos redistribuição e/ou reconhecimento (I); e, ao longo dos últimos, ambos mudaram o foco de suas análises para um entendimento do próprio sistema capitalista, chegando a concepções alteradas da dinâmica de conflitos sociais (II). Na medida em que este potencial analítico mediou sua recepção no Brasil, isso implica, afinal, novas formas de apropriação e diálogo com as ideias de Fraser e Honneth (III).
In diesem Beitrag befasse ich mich mit ethischen Herausforderungen der Biografieforschung am Beispiel eigener Erfahrungen im Rahmen einer Studie im Feld der politischen Partizipation. Im ersten Teil diskutiere ich grundsätzliche ethische Fragen der Biografieforschung, die mit der Erhebung und Auswertung von biografisch-narrativen Interviews einhergehen. Im zweiten Teil des Beitrages werden exemplarisch forschungsethische Aspekte und Probleme skizziert, die im Verlauf der Feldforschung aufgetreten sind und die Prämissen einer rekonstruktiv vorgehenden Biografieforschung herausfordern. Dazu gehören die informierte Einwilligung als dialogischer Prozess sowie die Anonymisierung und Rückmeldung von biografischen Daten in einem hochsensiblen Feld. Abschließend gehe ich der Frage nach, welche Möglichkeiten und Grenzen das Format der Forschungswerkstatt für die Reflexion von ethischen Fragen in der Biografieforschung bietet.
O presente escrito teve como objetivo analisar a necessidade da educação escolar para o desenvolvimento do ora vigente modo de produção capitalista industrial. Esta análise se baseia na investigação e exposição de Marx dos momentos constitutivos do capital por meio do modo de produção industrial de mercadorias. Em suma, procuramos demonstrar a partir dos escritos, principalmente, de Marx, Adorno e Marcuse que a demanda do modo de produção capitalista por uma massa de indivíduos oriundos da educação escolar não existe, pois a maioria de suas demandas radica nele mesmo, modo de produção, e é solucionada por ele mesmo em seu processo de constituição, não em um elemento externo e ideal, como é o caso da educação escolar.
Based on an original dataset of 100 important pieces of legislation passed during the three presidencies of William J. Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack H. Obama (1992-2013), this study explores two sets of questions:
(1) How do presidents influence legislators in Congress in the legislative arena, and what factors have an effect on the legislative strategies presidents choose?
(2) How successful are presidents in getting their policy positions enacted into law, and what configurations of institutional and actor-centered conditions determine presidential legislative success?
The analyses show that in an hyper-polarized environment, presidents usually have to fight an uphill-battle in the legislative arena, getting more involved if they face less favorable contexts and the odds are against them.
Moreover, the analyses suggest that there is no silver-bullet approach for presidents' legislative success. Instead, multiple patterns of success exist as presidents - depending on the institutional and public environment - can resort to different combinations of actions in order to see their preferred policy outcomes enacted.