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From reciprocal recognition to a society that is properly 'social' : on Axel Honneth's recent work
(2017)
This paper addresses Axel Honneth's recent endeavors to defend his theory of justice, broadly described in Freedom's right (2011) as an analysis of society. The paper begins by exposing Honneth's model as a theory of institutional intersubjectivity rather than a theory of the struggle for recognition. This model, however, was subject to criticism due to its supposed acceptance of the capitalistic market economy as a social order. In order to defend it from such objections, Honneth (2016) exposes the normative core of socialist ideals as a version of social freedom. Finally, he presents a distinction between two forms of political intervention: an internal and an external struggle for recognition – and asserts the advantages of the former.
Este artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre a obra recente de Axel Honneth. Começando por uma exposição de seu projeto teórico mais amplo, descrito em O direito da liberdade (2011) como uma teoria da justiça sociologicamente ancorada, o artigo demonstra como Honneth se move da ideia de uma luta por reconhecimento em direção à ideia de intersubjetividade institucional. Este movimento, porém, é acompanhado por críticas que vêm nesta passagem o abandono das ambições críticas de seu modelo e um compromisso reformista com a ordem capitalista de mercado. A fim de responder a estas objeções, Honneth propõe uma reatualização da ideia do socialismo (2015) a partir da noção de liberdade social, concluindo com uma distinção entre duas formas de luta por reconhecimento, uma interna e outra externa – e defendendo as vantagens da primeira.
One striking observation in Parkinson’s disease (PD) is the remarkable gender difference in incidence and prevalence of the disease. Data on gender differences with regard to disease onset, motor and non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication are limited. Furthermore, whether estrogen status affects disease onset and progression of PD is controversially discussed. In this retrospective single center study, we extracted clinical data of 226 ambulatory PD patients and compared age of disease onset, disease stage, motor impairment, non-motor symptoms, and dopaminergic medication between genders. We applied a matched-pairs design to adjust for age and disease duration. To determine the effect of estrogen-related reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and menopause on the age of onset, we applied a standardized questionnaire and performed a regression analysis. The male to female ratio in the present PD cohort was 1.9:1 (147 men vs. 79 women). Male patients showed increased motor impairment than female patients. The levodopa equivalent daily dose was increased by 18.9% in male patients compared to female patients. Matched-pairs analysis confirmed the increased dose of dopaminergic medication in male patients. No differences were observed in age of onset, type of medication, and non-motor symptoms between both groups. Female reproductive factors including number of children, age at menarche, and age at menopause were positively associated with a delay of disease onset up to 30 months. The disease-modifying role of estrogen-related outcome measures warrants further clinical and experimental studies targeting gender differences, specifically hormone-dependent pathways in PD.
This paper analyses economic power, state power and ideological power in the age of Donald Trump with the help of critical theory. It applies the critical theory approaches of thinkers such as Franz Neumann, Theodor W. Adorno and Erich Fromm. It analyses changes of US capitalism that have together with political anxiety and demagoguery brought about the rise of Donald Trump. This article draws attention to the importance of state theory for understanding Trump and the changes of politics that his rule may bring about. It is in this context important to see the complexity of the state, including the dynamic relationship between the state and the economy, the state and citizens, intra-state relations, inter-state relations, semiotic representations of and by the state, and ideology. Trumpism and its potential impacts are theorised along these dimensions. The ideology of Trump (Trumpology) has played an important role not just in his business and brand strategies, but also in his political rise. The (pseudo-)critical mainstream media have helped making Trump and Trumpology by providing platforms for populist spectacles that sell as news and attract audiences. By Trump making news in the media, the media make Trump. An empirical analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and the elimination discourses in his NBC show The Apprentice underpins the analysis of Trumpology. The combination of Trump’s actual power and Trump as spectacle, showman and brand makes his government’s concrete policies fairly unpredictable. An important question that arises is what social scientists’ role should be in the conjuncture that the world is experiencing.
In this paper we propose a sociological concept of innovation capable of transcending the limitations faced by the approaches of common theories of action. The concept was formulated by Ulrich Oevermann and is based upon Max Weber’s theory of charismatic authority. We apply this concept to archaeological data, using the example of Neolithic copper metallurgy in central Europe, and discuss the importance of analyzing innovations that failed to materialize even though they might have been "in the air" at the time. The concept sketched here enables the scientific study of such a phenomenon.
Advances in information and communication technologies enable more decentralized and individualized mechanisms for coordination and for managing societal complexity. This has important consequences for the role of conditionality and the idea of individual responsibility in two seemingly unrelated policy areas. First, the changing information infrastructure enables an extension of conditionality in the area of welfare through greater activation, enhanced self-management, and a personalization of risks. Second, conditionality and personal responsibility also form an important ideational template and a legitimatory basis for facilitating value creation that is based on data as a raw material. This argument is illustrated looking at the trajectories of the digital strategies in the United Kingdom and Germany. In both cases, data protection is depicted as a question of individual responsibility and tied to certain forms of individual conduct.
Die Arbeit widmet sich der bisher wenig beachteten Demokratietheorie des neoliberalen Ökonomen und Sozialphilosophen Friedrich Hayeks. In seiner Ablehnung des Prinzips der Volkssouveränität scheint es Hayek nicht in erster Linie um die Kritik des demokratischen Elements zu gehen, sondern vielmehr um die moderne Idee staatlicher Souveränität schlechthin. Es ist folglich die Idee der Rechtssouveränität, so die grundlegende These, auf der Hayek seine doppelte Kritik von Naturrecht und Rechtspositivismus gründet. Entprechend ist der Staat in der von Hayek gezeichneten Utopie nicht länger Souverän, Ausdruck, Grund oder Herrscher (in) der Gesellschaft, sondern bloßes Mittel, um die "spontanen Ordnungen" der Gesellschaft (und der Märkte) zu schützen, ohne durch Gesetzgebung planen, gestalten oder intervenieren zu wollen. Allein solches, an den "Nomos" gebundenes, staatliches Handeln könne (und muss!) der "Meinung" der Menschen entsprechen. Die Klärung dieses sehr speziellen und auf David Hume zurückgehenden Verständnisses von "Meinung" erlaubt schließlich, das Denken Hayeks nicht nur hinsichtlich seines Souveränitätsbegriffs, sondern auch hinsichtlich seines Demokratiebegriffs vom Denken Carl Schmitts abzugrenzen. Entgegen dem prägenden Diskurs nach Cristi und Scheuerman, der die Kritik der hayekschen Theorie über die Problematisierung ihres schmittschen Gehalt unternimmt, soll die Arbeit den Blick dafür schärfen, dass der in Hayeks Theorie angelegte Autoritarismus auf eigenen philosophischen Füßen steht und sich nicht erschöpfend aus einem bewusst oder unbewusst übernommenen schmittschen Erbe erklären lässt.
Jed Kronckes The Futility of Law and Development – China and the Dangers of Exporting American Law ist ein Buch über das rechtliche Sendungsbewusstsein der Vereinigten Staaten vom neunzehnten bis zur Mitte des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts. Jürgen Osterhammel verwendete den Begriff des Sendungsbewusstseins, um den Kern der Zivilisierungsmissionen in dieser Zeit zu beschreiben. Der bestehe in der "Selbstbeauftragung damit, die eigenen Normen und Institutionen an andere heranzutragen oder gar ihre Übernahme mit mehr oder weniger sanftem Druck zu erzwingen". ...
Staaten haben keine Freunde, sondern Interessen – das scheint sowohl unter Praktikern als auch unter Forschern der internationalen Politik allgemein bekannt zu sein. Entgegen diese weit verbreiteten Ansicht argumentiert diese Dissertation, dass es in der Tat Raum für das Konzept von Freundschaft in den internationalen Beziehungen gibt, und dass ein besseres Verständnis der hiermit verbundenen Dynamiken nicht nur dazu beiträgt, eine sich verändernde globale Ordnung besser zu verstehen, sondern auch die Beziehungen zwischen China und Afrika.
Aufbauend auf der konstruktivistischen Literatur zu staatlicher Identität sowie Erkenntnissen aus Psychologie, Soziologie und Anthropologie wird in einem ersten Schritt ein neues Modell internationaler Freundschaft entwickelt. Es bezieht sich auf eine verlässliche Beziehung zwischen Staaten, die sich gegenseitig entsprechend ihres eigenen Selbstverständnisses anerkennen, und die durch gegenseitige Identifikation sowie häufigen Austausch und enge Zusammenarbeit eine als intim zu bezeichnende Beziehung entwickelt haben. Dies bedeutet zwar nicht, dass ungleiche Macht und konkurrierende Interessen irrelevant werden; aber sie ermöglichen es den beteiligten Staaten, konstruktiv mit potenziell konfliktreichen Fragen von Macht und Interesse umzugehen, und bilden so eine zentrale Säule legitimer internationaler Ordnungen.
In einem zweiten Schritt wird dieses Modell der internationalen Freundschaft zur Analyse der chinesisch-äthiopischen und chinesisch-südafrikanischen Beziehungen herangezogen. Ausgehend von den Sichtweisen der jeweiligen Staatseliten wird das komplexe Zusammenspiel von Interessen und Identitäten in den gegenwärtigen Beziehungen zwischen China und Afrika beleuchtet, und wie die beiden bilateralen Beziehungen durch eine Reihe bewusster Entscheidungen schrittweise ihre aktuellen Qualitäten erworben haben. Heute bilden geteilte Ideen von historisch gewachsener Solidarität, überschneidendend strategischen Interessen und dem gemeinsamen Engagement für ein Projekt alternativer Modernisierung und globaler Transformation die Grundlage für zwei Beziehungen, die von China als beispielhafte „internationale Beziehungen neuen Typs“ gepriesen werden. Somit liefern die chinesisch-äthiopischen und chinesisch-südafrikanischen Beziehungen auch wichtige Einblicke, wie eine chinazentrierte internationale Ordnung aussehen könnte - zumindest für diejenigen Staaten, die diese Ordnung und ihre von Peking definierten Regeln und Rollen als legitim akzeptieren.
Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.
The paper addresses the problem of justifying ethically sound dimensions of poverty or well-being for use in a multidimensional framework. We combine Sen’s capability approach and Rawls’ method of political constructivism and argue that the constitution and its interpretative practice can serve as an ethically suitable informational basis for selecting dimensions, under certain conditions. We illustrate our Constitutional Approach by deriving a set of well-being dimensions from an analysis of the Italian Constitution. We argue that this method is both an improvement on those used in the existing literature from the ethical point of view, and has a strong potential for providing the ethical basis of a conception of well-being for the public affairs of a pluralist society. In the final part, we elaborate on the implications for measuring well-being based on data, by ranking Italian regions in terms of well-being, and pointing out the differences in results produced by different methods.
Ebenso wie Pierre Bourdieu ist sein Schüler Loïc Wacquant einer der selten gewordenen Intellektuellen, die ihre Profession, die Soziologie, nutzen um soziale Ungleichheiten und gesellschaftliche Machtverhältnisse nicht nur zu analysieren, sondern auch versuchen, damit auf öffentliche Debatten zu einzuwirken. Daher ist Wacquants Aufsatz nicht nur als eine interessante Diskussion der Frage, ob Bourdieus Werk in der Stadtsoziologie angemessen und korrekt verwendet werde, zu verstehen. Der in dem Text formulierte Appell, Bourdieus Arbeit auch innerhalb der Stadtsoziologie stärker anzuwenden, ist – vor dem Hintergrund zunehmender sozialer Ungleichheit, Armut, Marginalisierung und einem Aufschwung des Rechtspopulismus – eine Forderung nach einer soziologischen Betrachtung dieser Probleme in der Stadt. Was kann nun also das Werk von Pierre Bourdieu zur Analyse der heutigen sozialen Probleme in der Stadt in Deutschland beitragen?
Online reading behavior can be regarded as a "new" form of cultural capital in today’s digital world. However, it is unclear whether "traditional" mechanisms of cultural and social reproduction are also found in this domain, and whether they manifest uniformly across countries at different stages of development. This article analyzes whether the early home literacy environment has an impact on informational online reading behavior among adolescents and whether this association varies between countries with different levels of digitalization and educational expansion. Data from the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) were used for the empirical analyses. The results of regression models with country-fixed effects indicate a positive association between literacy activities in early childhood and informational online reading at age 15. This association was quite stable across countries. These findings are discussed in light of cultural and social reproduction theory and digital divide research.
Ein Jahr intensiver Vorbereitungen liegt nun hinter uns. Richtig, ein Jahr Vorbereitung für eine einwöchige Konferenz! Doch auch dieses Jahr hat sich wieder gezeigt wie wichtig diese intensive Vorbereitung ist: Die Studierenden haben sich vertiefte Kenntnisse über die Vereinten Nationen und die zu vertretenden Länder Israel und Frankreich angeeignet und neue Kompetenzen erworben. ...
National Model United Nations New York 2018 : Delegation der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
(2017)
Seit ihrer Gründung im Jahr 1945 sind die Vereinten Nationen zur bedeutendsten und einflussreichsten internationalen Organisation avanciert. Mittlerweile arbeiten 193 Mitgliedsstaaten gemeinsam an dem ehrgeizigen Ziel, den Weltfrieden und die internationale Sicherheit zu wahren. Der in der Charta der Vereinten Nationen verankerte Grundsatz des Verzichts auf Gewaltanwendung und der friedlichen Beilegung aller Streitigkeiten macht sie zu einer weltweit einzigartigen Institution.
Die Beschäftigung mit den Vereinten Nationen ist für Studierende der Gesellschaftswissenschaften – insbesondere der Politikwissenschaft – essentiell für den späteren Berufsalltag. Da der Fokus im wissenschaftlichen Universitätsbetrieb häufig auf der Diskussion theoretischer Paradigmen und eher selten auf praktischen Fragestellungen liegt, ist die Teilnahme am National Model United Nations (NMUN) in New York eine willkommene Abwechslung mit einzigartigem Charakter. Innerhalb einer Simulation von UN-Verhandlungen versetzen sich Studierende als Mitglieder einer Delegation in die Lage von Diplomaten und vertreten die Interessen, Werte und Positionen des ihnen zugeteilten Landes. Dabei versuchen sie, dessen Standpunkte in Kooperation mit anderen Delegationen durchzusetzen. ...
This paper considers the trend towards megaregionalism (TTIP, TPP) that became prominent in the trade domain in the last years of the Obama administration. While megaregionalism has fallen by the wayside since Trump’s inauguration, the underlying rationale for such treaties will most likely reassert itself rather soon. So there are structural issues that need to be discussed from a standpoint of global justice. In all likelihood, megaregionalism is detrimental to global justice. TTIP in particular, or anything like it, might derail any possibility for a trade organization to aid the pursuit of justice at the global level, and any possibility that trade will be used to that end. From the standpoint of global justice one must hope that megaregionalism does not replace WTO multilateralism. The global-justice framework used here is the grounds-of-justice approach offered in the author’s 2012 On Global Justice.
Megaregional trade negotiations have become the subject of heated debate, above all in the context of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In this article, I argue that the justice of the global order suffers from its institutional fragmentation into regime complexes. From a republican perspective, which aspires to non-domination as a guiding principles and idea of global justice, regime complexes raise specific and important challenges in that they open the door to specific forms of domination. I thereby challenge a more optimistic outlook in regime complexes, which paints a positive normative picture of regime complexes, arguing that they enable the enhancement of democracy beyond the state and, consequently, have the potential to reduce the democratic deficit in global governance. By drawing attention to how regime complexes reinforce domination-related injustice, this article contributes an original perspective on megaregionals and to exploring the implications of global justice as non-domination.
Recent trade negotiations such as TTIP include investor protection clauses. Against the background of an analysis of the case for trade, the paper asks whether such clauses can be justified from a normative perspective. More specifically, what is the impact of investor protection on the domestic distribution of the gains from trade between labour and capital, and how should we assess this impact from the perspective of justice? In order to answer this question, the paper develops a series of ideal-type scenarios that reflect the consequences of investor protection on employment on the one hand, and on the distributive conflict between labour and capital on the other. While no claim is made which of these scenarios corresponds to TTIP or other trade agreements, they provide a useful normative framework to analyse such agreements.
nvestor-state-dispute-settlement (ISDS) is an arbitration mechanism to settle disputes between foreign investors and host-states. Seemingly a technical issue in private international law, ISDS procedures have recently become a matter of public concern and the target of political resistance, due to the power they grant to foreign investors in matters of public policies in the countries they invest in. This article examines the practice of ISDS through the lenses of liberal-statist theories of international justice, which value self-determination. It argues that the investor-state arbitration system illustrates how liberal-statist theories of international distributive justice ought to care about relative socioeconomic disadvantage, contra the sufficiency principle that they typically defend. The sufficiency principle draws on a questionable conception of the freedom that self-determination consists in.