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Dies ist der 16. Artikel in unserer Blogreihe Trouble on the Far-Right.
„Wir sind zwar hinter Gittern, aber unsere Ideen sind an der Macht“, erklärte der Führer der Grauen Wölfe, Alparslan Türkeş nach dem Militärputsch vom 12. September 1980 in der Türkei. Damals hatten die Generäle als Zeichen ihrer angeblichen Neutralität neben Zehntausenden inhaftierten Linken auch einige hundert Anhänger der faschistischen Grauen Wölfe anklagen lassen. Entsprechend könnten sich heute seine Nachfolger rühmen: „Wir sind zwar nicht an der Regierung, aber unsere Ideen sind an der Macht.“ Denn die Herrschaft der seit 2002 alleine regierenden und gemeinhin als islamisch-konservativ charakterisierten Partei für Gerechtigkeit und Aufschwung (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) von Staatspräsident Recep Tayyip Erdoğan und Ministerpräsident Ahmet Davutoğlu stützt sich zunehmend auf die Ideologie, die Methoden und selbst das Personal der Grauen Wölfe. Umgekehrt ist die offiziell in der Opposition stehende parlamentarische Vertretung der Grauen Wölfe, die Partei der Nationalistischen Bewegung (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – MHP) eine Kriegsallianz mit der AKP-Regierung gegen die kurdische Befreiungsbewegung eingegangen...
An analysis of the UK's counter-terrorism strategy, CONTEST, and the challenges in its evaluation
(2016)
The UK’s Counter-Terrorism strategy, known as CONTEST, is recognized as one of the most successful soft-focus strategies in the world, with an intended emphasis on community support and what have become known as ‘Prevent’ (or counter-extremism) measures. In all, there are four limbs to CONTEST: PREVENT, PROTECT, PURSUE and PREPARE. While there is much crossover between these areas, for example policing activities take place in all four limbs, each one has a specific focus with its own intrinsic goals. This article intends to provide an overview of CONTEST, and to explore the challenges of evaluating counter-terrorism strategies in general. In doing so, I intend to show that while robust and independent evaluation of CONTEST has not been undertaken from a quantitative approach, some level of evaluation has taken place and can be taken into consideration when moving forward with future analysis of the strategy...
French far right activism experienced tremendous changes in recent years. Besides traditional far right party politics, new patterns of street-based mobilization attract especially action-oriented youths. This trend is epitomized by the growing popularity of the Bloc Identitaire (official name; shortened to “Identitaires”). Its ideology rests on the idea that there exists a struggle between different political families in order to become the legitimate representative of the people, and that the extreme right is winning this struggle. Behind the scenes, the recurring idea of the Bloc Identitaires is to occupy a cultural and “meta-political” territory that was once the monopoly of the left. Their aim is that they are gradually associated with the only possible alternative to change the world. They try to frame a maximum of popular needs and present themselves as substitutes for when the economy and the state will be bankrupt. So you can eat the food of the Identitaires, drink their beer (the “Desouchière”), buy their clothes, listen to their music or read their books and thus participate in financing the movement...
The paper broaches the issue of unfair trading practices (UTPs) at the expense of, economically spoken, weaker actors among the food supply chain in context of the EU. For illustrating the concept of UTPs and delivering a theoretical basis for scrutinizing the term of fairness in respective trading practices the paper suggests the three variables 1) bargaining power, 2) market power/anti competitive practices and 3) unequal gain distribution. Subsequently the article presents selected national food-specific legislative based reactions towards UTPs evolved in context of the three variables. Ultimately the paper presents a qualitatively generated hypothesis which presumes that legislative food-specific measurements focussing on protecting suppliers lead to a beneficial monetary share for farmers, by means of influencing the producer price to a monetarily advantageous extent. The hypothesis was generated unprejudiced in the run-up to the paper. The research design which led to the hypothesis mentioned will be presented.
Dies ist der 22. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. Die Beiträge der Blogserie „Salafismus in Deutschland – Herausforderungen für Politik und Gesellschaft“ beschäftigten sich pointiert mit den gesellschaftlich, politisch, wissenschaftlich und medial wichtigsten Aspekten der salafistischen Glaubenslehre, Ideologie und Bewegung. Sie betonten die vielen Schattierungen dieser sich beständig im Wandel befindlichen Phänomene, wagten den Blick über den deutschen Tellerrand hinaus und formulierten Handlungsempfehlungen für Politik, Medien, Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft. Obwohl es einige blinde Flecken vor allem in der empirischen Forschung zu Salafismus und Dschihadismus gibt (siehe unter anderem den Beitrag von Riem Spielhaus), ist es offensichtlich, dass nicht nur ein Erkenntnisproblem, sondern ein Umsetzungsproblem besteht: es gibt sehr viel grundlegendes Wissen, welches aber nicht in konkrete Handlungen übersetzt wird und oft in „Inseln des Wissens“ verharrt. Dies bezieht sich auf zweierlei: erstens auf die Gestaltung eines nur in seiner Gegenseitigkeit produktiven Wissenstransfers zwischen Wissenschaft und Praxis und zweitens auf eine sinnvolle Priorisierung politischer Steuerungsmaßnahmen....
The dualism of movements and institutions. A structurational approach towards the two concepts
(2016)
In studies of social mobilization, the distinction between institutions and organizations is often as blurry as the instant of time from which on we can actually speak of a proper movement. Using the idea of a `duality of structure’ as a starting point, this article suggests a way of fixing the boundaries: a brief analysis of the South African Landless People’s Movement demonstrates the merit of conceiving of movements as aggregate actors with shared common objectives and common norms, which institutionalize particular modes of cooperation by purposefully drawing on existing institutions in order to shape functioning internal structures.
On October the 2nd the Colombian people rejected the peace agreement between the government and the FARC in a referendum with a very thin majority of 0.4%. With this unexpected rejection, the referendum was in some ways similar to the Brexit referendum, for the results of which David Cameron was as little prepared as Juan Manuel Santos for his rejection; there was obviously no Plan B. In the last weeks, the government undertook ten changes to the agreement, but it will not go through a referendum again. Santos, as he said, has learned his lesson from the rejection and will seek to have the amended peace agreement approved in Congress. This will likely lead to the implementation of the peace agreement and the furtherance of its goals, such as a DDR process, land reforms, a transitional justice process and reparations for victims, just to mention a few. But this progress in peace will be seen as being at odds with popular opinion. Many of the “no” voters are still not satisfied with the adjustments made by the government and the FARC, and neither are the sectors of the opposition mainly responsible for the rejection. Nevertheless, the government and the FARC are progressing with the implementation, and peace talks with the second-largest – and now the last standing – guerrilla group, the ELN, are scheduled to start in 2017. The prospects for 2018 and onwards, when the presidency election will be held, are more questionable.
This is the third article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
I am the author of two books about the French nouvelle droite (ND – New Right): Where Have All The Fascists Gone? and Rethinking the French New Right: Alternatives to modernity. In 2014, I published a piece entitled „The French New Right Neither Right, nor Left?“. Surprisingly, the French ND leader Alain de Benoist responded with a polemical and largely ad hominem article in the same journal.1 I must stress that I neither identify with a political party, nor a political movement. I do not support any ideological current. De Benoist does. He is self-described as a man of the right. Hence, he cannot even claim intellectual objectivity.
In this piece, I want to offer some comments on my debate with de Benoist. I argue that while we should strive towards intellectual objectivity, we cannot be silent in the face of falsehoods. In this respect, the ND plays a dishonest game. Its leader and other ND intellectuals feign intellectual objectivity and the platitudes of transcending right and left, but they want cultural hegemony and the triumph of their decidedly radical right-wing ideals...
Axel Honneth propone, inspirándose en el joven Hegel, una concepción de la justicia basada en la idea de reconocimiento. Dicha concepción parte del previo acercamiento a una serie de fenómenos negativos, los cuales define como fallas en el reconocimiento. Desde la óptica de Honneth los fenómenos negativos constituyen patologías sociales y formas de injusticia, debido a la falta de calidad moral de las relaciones intersubjetivas. Las consecuencias socio-psicológicas en las personas que los sufren son la construcción de una identidad dañada y dificultades en el logro de la autorrealización. El presente artículo pretende realizar, recogiendo el planteamiento de Honneth, un análisis ético-político de los fenómenos de estigmatización, invisibilización y cosificación sufridos por las personas con diversidad funcional, llegando a la conclusión de que tales fenómenos suponen la negación de la dignidad personal, en la que reside el fundamento de la justicia que nos debemos unos a otros.
This is the seventh post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
Social movements challenge systems of rule and thus institutions. They are expressions of the non-identical, the gaps and fissures in today’s world. That’s what makes social movements interesting and relevant for a critical research agenda. Thus, more than applying ready-made concepts to cases, scholars should inquire into the interactions between social movements and institutions as relationships between rule and resistance. This article proposes one way to go about such a critical research agenda.
Obgleich die Disziplin der internationalen Beziehungen global sein will, bleibt sie allzu häufig von westlichen Wissenschaftlern dominiert. Doch wie kann internationale Politik anders gedacht werden? Welche Perspektiven ergeben sich auch für westliche WissenschaftlerInnen aus einem Perspektivwechsel? Und welche Herausforderungen bringt dies mit sich?
Social movements and institutions are central actors in national and transnational politics as well as core categories of social inquiry. Despite their importance, both terms are still haunted by a lack of thorough definitions. We introduce a blog series with ten weekly contributions on their interrelation, outlining several innovative approaches and suggesting some vantage points for rethinking ‘Movements’ and ‘Institutions’ in a productive manner.
O estudo aqui desenvolvido trata da formação da consciência social tensionada pela alienação e emancipação intersubjetiva. O problema da pesquisa é saber como o agir comunicativo de Habermas pode contribuir para a formação da consciência social/ética, contraposta aos processos de alienação. Para tanto, será feito uma releitura histórico-conceitual de alguns pontos da filosofia habermasiana. Objetiva-se, assim, discutir quais os principais elementos da Teoria do Agir Comunicativo contribuem para a formação de uma consciência social que concilie comunidade e pluralidade. Os sujeitos inevitavelmente fazem parte de certos contextos. Participar de um contexto/comunidade, exige uma consciência social atravessando as relações, o que implica co-responsabilidade e cooperação. Por fim, a formação de uma consciência sócio-ética só é possível através de uma comunicação aberta e argumentativa, cuja normatividade traz uma pretensão de validade pública.
Este texto é uma resposta ao texto de Fernando de Moraes Barros, intitulado “Ontologia coercitiva da obra de arte: Adorno contra Heidegger”. Em linhas gerais, trata-se de um exame do funcionamento interno do texto “A origem da obra de arte”, de Heidegger. Assume-se a coexistência de dois eixos no texto de Heidegger, um crítico, compatível com o pensamento de Adorno, e outro ontológico, incompatível com a reflexão de Adorno sobre a arte.
Il saggio si propone di approfondire due tendenze tipiche della musica contemporanea: la prima è il Minimalismo, movimento rappresentato da musicisti come La Monte Young, Philip Glass and Steve Reich, la seconda è la rave music (come la techno), caratteristica della popular culture nell’era postmoderna. Attraverso il pensiero di Adorno, e a partire dalla sua analisi dialettica del dualismo Schönberg-Stravinskij, il saggio propone una comprensione filosofica di concetti come “ripetizione” e “trascendenza”; l’assenza dello “sviluppo” in gran parte della produzione musicale degli ultimi decenni, nella popular music quanto nella musica colta, dimostra una dispersione del soggetto e dell’individuo, smarrito all’interno di un “eterno ritorno” della struttura ritmica che può essere ricompreso nei termini di un “eterno ritorno dell’identico” e non nei termini di un “eterno ritorno della possibilità”; in quest’ottica, a venire sacrificata è anche la dimensione della trascendenza, che non a caso viene ricercata spesso nell’esotismo dei culti orientali o nel consumo di sostanze stupefacenti. L’insistenza nel Minimalismo della ripetizione come unica ed estrema categoria di riferimento e norma estetica, produrrà infatti nel corso degli ultimi anni una dicotomia apparentemente contraddittoria, ma che invece esprime la medesima matrice logica: da un lato l’invasamento edonistico del beat elettronico della musica dance elettronica, dall’altro la proposta commerciale della produzione industriale della musica pop. Non è un caso che proprio il Minimalismo sia sfociato in entrambe queste due tendenze, mostrandosi come la cifra comune originaria, traducendosi nella musica rave o nella musica rock.
Este texto tem como propósito analisar a construção crítica teórica de Axel Honneth das instituições sociais como efetivação da liberdade social que oferece condições para a autorrealização e a justiça. O método do trabalho consiste em se realizar a leitura interna do desenvolvimento na obra do autor à luz de sua consonância com a teoria crítica. Como conclusão discute-se em que medida o progresso moral dessas instituições se relaciona com a efetivação de seu princípio interno, de forma imanente, ou de uma pressão externa normativa da igualdade a partir do direito e da democracia.
Die Anschläge in diesem Sommer in ganz Europa sowie der andauernde Kampf gegen den Islamischen Staat haben das Thema der Terrorbekämpfung auch in der Öffentlichkeit wieder ganz nach oben auf die Tagesordnung gesetzt. Ob nun auf Länderebene oder durch neue Maßnahmen auf Bundesebene und International – eine ganze Reihe weiterer Maßnahmen wurden beschlossen um die Terrorbekämpfung in Deutschland zu verbessern. Ebenso wurden auch in anderen Ländern neue Maßnahmen beschlossen, in Frankreich sogar der Ausnahmezustand bis Anfang 2017 verlängert. Gleichzeitig brachten die neuen Maßnahmen auch eine Diskussion über die Sinnhaftigkeit, Effizienz und Effektivität dieser Maßnahmen mit sich – und ebenso, wie weit eine demokratische Gesellschaft in ihrem Sicherheitsbedürfnis überhaupt gehen soll. An diese Diskussion soll diese Blogserie anschließen...
With the Open Conference "Being a Citizen in Europe" in Zagreb (Croatia, 29-30 June 2015) external scholars were invited to connect to the bEUcitizen-project and to explore theoretical foundations and political as well as practical realities of today’s European citizenship. The structuring idea was to highlight potential core barriers towards EU citizenship and to do so by way of conceptual discussions as well as empirical analyses mapping a variety of citizenship practices in the EU. This was reflected in four thematic streams gathering contributions from both external and bEUcitizen researchers. The streams reflected on different kinds of barriers, conceptual and practical ones. They revolve around the normative promise of citizenship, the diversity of practices and possible paths of future development.
While stream 1 reflected on the dynamic of (re)configuring citizenship as a bounded or unbounded concept, stream 2 applied a comparative perspective on the diversity of rights-based citizenship practices. Stream 3 addressed the political dimension of EU-Citizenship and discussed a lack of citizenship participation as a farreaching barrier as well as possible remedies. Finally, stream 4 focused on linguistic diversity and the difficulties it creates regarding the conceptual and practical dimension of EU-citizenship. Taken together the contributions lucidly reflect the variety of disciplines cooperating in the bEUcitizen-project and their different points of view on EU-citizenship.
The crucial lesson from the contributions to the Open Conference for the theoretical task of WP 2 and the bEUcitizen-project more generally is that without conceptual clarity about the meaning of EU-citizenship the task of identifying practical barriers and evaluating the latter’s effects remains ambivalent. A shared understanding of the meaning of a (future) EU citizenship is still missing. What shall EU citizenship be or become: a fully-fledged democratic citizenship or a market-citizenship, bundling certain rights implied by the internal market freedoms? This undecided question is at the core of the debate on EU citizenship. In order to prevent citizens from turning their backs on the EU a public contestation of our understanding of the EU is needed. European democracy à venir requires an ongoing public debate about what European integration is all about and where it should lead us to – even and especially when there is no consensus about it.
National Model United Nations New York 2017 : Delegation der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
(2016)
Seit ihrer Gründung im Jahr 1945 sind die Vereinten Nationen zur bedeutendsten und einflussreichsten internationalen Organisation avanciert. Mittlerweile arbeiten 193 Mitgliedsstaaten gemeinsam an dem ehrgeizigen Ziel, den Weltfrieden und die internationale Sicherheit zu wahren. Der in der Charta der Vereinten Nationen verankerte Grundsatz des Verzichts auf Gewaltanwendung und der friedlichen Beilegung aller Streitigkeiten macht sie zu einer weltweit einzigartigen Institution.
Die Beschäftigung mit den Vereinten Nationen ist für Studierende der Gesellschaftswissenschaften – insbesondere der Politikwissenschaft – essentiell für den späteren Berufsalltag. Da der Fokus im wissenschaftlichen Universitätsbetrieb häufig auf der Diskussion theoretischer Paradigmen und eher selten auf praktischen Fragestellungen liegt, ist die Teilnahme am National Model United Nations (NMUN) in New York eine willkommene Abwechslung mit einzigartigem Charakter. Innerhalb einer Simulation von UN-Verhandlungen versetzen sich Studierende als Mitglieder einer Delegation in die Lage von Diplomaten und vertreten die Interessen, Werte und Positionen des ihnen zugeteilten Landes. Dabei versuchen sie, dessen Standpunkte in Kooperation mit anderen Delegationen durchzusetzen. ...
National Model United Nations New York 2016 : Delegation der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main
(2016)
Schon 1946 kamen Studierende aus aller Welt zusammen, um ein Land ihrer Wahl auf internationalem politischem Par kett zu vertreten. Das National Model United Nations, eine langjährig gepflegte Tradition, die es studentischen Delegationen ermöglicht, einen praktischen Einblick in die Arbeitsweise der Vereinten Nationen zu erlangen, ihr erlerntes Wissen anzuwenden, ihre Soft Skills weiter zu entwickeln, sich in englischer Sprache auf Verhandlungsbasis zu ver ständigen, neue Freunde zu finden und Kontakte in der ganzen Welt zu knüpfen. ...
Ein Jahr lang vorbereiten, um an einer einwöchigen Konferenz teilzunehmen? Das klingt zunächst nach schlechter Zeitplanung. Doch auch dieses Jahr zeigte sich, dass die Zeit sinnvoll investiert war: Die Studierenden haben sich ein sehr breites Portfolio an Kenntnissen und Kompetenzen erarbeitet. Dafür ist ein Jahr fast etwas zu kurz gewesen. ...
Das dritte E-Book des Sicherheitspolitik-Blogs ist nun erhältlich. Es basiert auf dem Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland – Herausforderungen für Politik und Gesellschaft“ und wurde von Janusz Biene und Julian Junk herausgegeben. Es ist als Druckversion zu kaufen oder kann kostenlos als PDF heruntergeladen werden.
Wie sieht die Zukunft der Wertschöpfung aus? Lässt sich eine "Demokratisierung" der Wertschöpfung beobachten? Befinden wir uns inmitten eines Paradigmenwechsels von der Industriellen Produktion hin zur Bottom-up-Ökonomie? Und wenn ja, was bedeutet das für die Gesellschaft?
Um diese Fragen aus verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Perspektiven zu betrachten und gemeinschaftlich die damit zusammenhängenden gesellschaftlichen Chancen und Herausforderungen zu diskutieren, wurde das neue Konferenzformat "Interdisziplinäre Konferenz zur Zukunft der Wertschöpfung" geschaffen. Neben dem themenübergreifenden fachlichen Austausch ist auch die Vernetzung zwischen Wissenschaftlern/innen und Experten aus der Praxis ein Ziel dieser Reihe.
Der vorliegende Konferenzband beinhaltet die Beiträge der teilnehmenden Wissenschaftlicher/innen aus den Technik-, Wirtschafts-, Sozial- und Rechtswissenschaften und gibt einen Überblick über die aktuellen Forschungsschwerpunkte in den jeweiligen Fachgebieten. Die akademische Qualitätssicherung erfolgte mit Hilfe eines Peer-Review-Verfahrens. ...