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Institute
- Gesellschaftswissenschaften (183) (remove)
Este texto tem como propósito analisar a construção crítica teórica de Axel Honneth das instituições sociais como efetivação da liberdade social que oferece condições para a autorrealização e a justiça. O método do trabalho consiste em se realizar a leitura interna do desenvolvimento na obra do autor à luz de sua consonância com a teoria crítica. Como conclusão discute-se em que medida o progresso moral dessas instituições se relaciona com a efetivação de seu princípio interno, de forma imanente, ou de uma pressão externa normativa da igualdade a partir do direito e da democracia.
Il saggio si propone di approfondire due tendenze tipiche della musica contemporanea: la prima è il Minimalismo, movimento rappresentato da musicisti come La Monte Young, Philip Glass and Steve Reich, la seconda è la rave music (come la techno), caratteristica della popular culture nell’era postmoderna. Attraverso il pensiero di Adorno, e a partire dalla sua analisi dialettica del dualismo Schönberg-Stravinskij, il saggio propone una comprensione filosofica di concetti come “ripetizione” e “trascendenza”; l’assenza dello “sviluppo” in gran parte della produzione musicale degli ultimi decenni, nella popular music quanto nella musica colta, dimostra una dispersione del soggetto e dell’individuo, smarrito all’interno di un “eterno ritorno” della struttura ritmica che può essere ricompreso nei termini di un “eterno ritorno dell’identico” e non nei termini di un “eterno ritorno della possibilità”; in quest’ottica, a venire sacrificata è anche la dimensione della trascendenza, che non a caso viene ricercata spesso nell’esotismo dei culti orientali o nel consumo di sostanze stupefacenti. L’insistenza nel Minimalismo della ripetizione come unica ed estrema categoria di riferimento e norma estetica, produrrà infatti nel corso degli ultimi anni una dicotomia apparentemente contraddittoria, ma che invece esprime la medesima matrice logica: da un lato l’invasamento edonistico del beat elettronico della musica dance elettronica, dall’altro la proposta commerciale della produzione industriale della musica pop. Non è un caso che proprio il Minimalismo sia sfociato in entrambe queste due tendenze, mostrandosi come la cifra comune originaria, traducendosi nella musica rave o nella musica rock.
Este texto é uma resposta ao texto de Fernando de Moraes Barros, intitulado “Ontologia coercitiva da obra de arte: Adorno contra Heidegger”. Em linhas gerais, trata-se de um exame do funcionamento interno do texto “A origem da obra de arte”, de Heidegger. Assume-se a coexistência de dois eixos no texto de Heidegger, um crítico, compatível com o pensamento de Adorno, e outro ontológico, incompatível com a reflexão de Adorno sobre a arte.
O estudo aqui desenvolvido trata da formação da consciência social tensionada pela alienação e emancipação intersubjetiva. O problema da pesquisa é saber como o agir comunicativo de Habermas pode contribuir para a formação da consciência social/ética, contraposta aos processos de alienação. Para tanto, será feito uma releitura histórico-conceitual de alguns pontos da filosofia habermasiana. Objetiva-se, assim, discutir quais os principais elementos da Teoria do Agir Comunicativo contribuem para a formação de uma consciência social que concilie comunidade e pluralidade. Os sujeitos inevitavelmente fazem parte de certos contextos. Participar de um contexto/comunidade, exige uma consciência social atravessando as relações, o que implica co-responsabilidade e cooperação. Por fim, a formação de uma consciência sócio-ética só é possível através de uma comunicação aberta e argumentativa, cuja normatividade traz uma pretensão de validade pública.
Social movements and institutions are central actors in national and transnational politics as well as core categories of social inquiry. Despite their importance, both terms are still haunted by a lack of thorough definitions. We introduce a blog series with ten weekly contributions on their interrelation, outlining several innovative approaches and suggesting some vantage points for rethinking ‘Movements’ and ‘Institutions’ in a productive manner.
Obgleich die Disziplin der internationalen Beziehungen global sein will, bleibt sie allzu häufig von westlichen Wissenschaftlern dominiert. Doch wie kann internationale Politik anders gedacht werden? Welche Perspektiven ergeben sich auch für westliche WissenschaftlerInnen aus einem Perspektivwechsel? Und welche Herausforderungen bringt dies mit sich?
This is the seventh post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
Social movements challenge systems of rule and thus institutions. They are expressions of the non-identical, the gaps and fissures in today’s world. That’s what makes social movements interesting and relevant for a critical research agenda. Thus, more than applying ready-made concepts to cases, scholars should inquire into the interactions between social movements and institutions as relationships between rule and resistance. This article proposes one way to go about such a critical research agenda.
Axel Honneth propone, inspirándose en el joven Hegel, una concepción de la justicia basada en la idea de reconocimiento. Dicha concepción parte del previo acercamiento a una serie de fenómenos negativos, los cuales define como fallas en el reconocimiento. Desde la óptica de Honneth los fenómenos negativos constituyen patologías sociales y formas de injusticia, debido a la falta de calidad moral de las relaciones intersubjetivas. Las consecuencias socio-psicológicas en las personas que los sufren son la construcción de una identidad dañada y dificultades en el logro de la autorrealización. El presente artículo pretende realizar, recogiendo el planteamiento de Honneth, un análisis ético-político de los fenómenos de estigmatización, invisibilización y cosificación sufridos por las personas con diversidad funcional, llegando a la conclusión de que tales fenómenos suponen la negación de la dignidad personal, en la que reside el fundamento de la justicia que nos debemos unos a otros.
This is the third article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
I am the author of two books about the French nouvelle droite (ND – New Right): Where Have All The Fascists Gone? and Rethinking the French New Right: Alternatives to modernity. In 2014, I published a piece entitled „The French New Right Neither Right, nor Left?“. Surprisingly, the French ND leader Alain de Benoist responded with a polemical and largely ad hominem article in the same journal.1 I must stress that I neither identify with a political party, nor a political movement. I do not support any ideological current. De Benoist does. He is self-described as a man of the right. Hence, he cannot even claim intellectual objectivity.
In this piece, I want to offer some comments on my debate with de Benoist. I argue that while we should strive towards intellectual objectivity, we cannot be silent in the face of falsehoods. In this respect, the ND plays a dishonest game. Its leader and other ND intellectuals feign intellectual objectivity and the platitudes of transcending right and left, but they want cultural hegemony and the triumph of their decidedly radical right-wing ideals...
On October the 2nd the Colombian people rejected the peace agreement between the government and the FARC in a referendum with a very thin majority of 0.4%. With this unexpected rejection, the referendum was in some ways similar to the Brexit referendum, for the results of which David Cameron was as little prepared as Juan Manuel Santos for his rejection; there was obviously no Plan B. In the last weeks, the government undertook ten changes to the agreement, but it will not go through a referendum again. Santos, as he said, has learned his lesson from the rejection and will seek to have the amended peace agreement approved in Congress. This will likely lead to the implementation of the peace agreement and the furtherance of its goals, such as a DDR process, land reforms, a transitional justice process and reparations for victims, just to mention a few. But this progress in peace will be seen as being at odds with popular opinion. Many of the “no” voters are still not satisfied with the adjustments made by the government and the FARC, and neither are the sectors of the opposition mainly responsible for the rejection. Nevertheless, the government and the FARC are progressing with the implementation, and peace talks with the second-largest – and now the last standing – guerrilla group, the ELN, are scheduled to start in 2017. The prospects for 2018 and onwards, when the presidency election will be held, are more questionable.
The dualism of movements and institutions. A structurational approach towards the two concepts
(2016)
In studies of social mobilization, the distinction between institutions and organizations is often as blurry as the instant of time from which on we can actually speak of a proper movement. Using the idea of a `duality of structure’ as a starting point, this article suggests a way of fixing the boundaries: a brief analysis of the South African Landless People’s Movement demonstrates the merit of conceiving of movements as aggregate actors with shared common objectives and common norms, which institutionalize particular modes of cooperation by purposefully drawing on existing institutions in order to shape functioning internal structures.
Dies ist der 22. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. Die Beiträge der Blogserie „Salafismus in Deutschland – Herausforderungen für Politik und Gesellschaft“ beschäftigten sich pointiert mit den gesellschaftlich, politisch, wissenschaftlich und medial wichtigsten Aspekten der salafistischen Glaubenslehre, Ideologie und Bewegung. Sie betonten die vielen Schattierungen dieser sich beständig im Wandel befindlichen Phänomene, wagten den Blick über den deutschen Tellerrand hinaus und formulierten Handlungsempfehlungen für Politik, Medien, Wissenschaft und Zivilgesellschaft. Obwohl es einige blinde Flecken vor allem in der empirischen Forschung zu Salafismus und Dschihadismus gibt (siehe unter anderem den Beitrag von Riem Spielhaus), ist es offensichtlich, dass nicht nur ein Erkenntnisproblem, sondern ein Umsetzungsproblem besteht: es gibt sehr viel grundlegendes Wissen, welches aber nicht in konkrete Handlungen übersetzt wird und oft in „Inseln des Wissens“ verharrt. Dies bezieht sich auf zweierlei: erstens auf die Gestaltung eines nur in seiner Gegenseitigkeit produktiven Wissenstransfers zwischen Wissenschaft und Praxis und zweitens auf eine sinnvolle Priorisierung politischer Steuerungsmaßnahmen....
The paper broaches the issue of unfair trading practices (UTPs) at the expense of, economically spoken, weaker actors among the food supply chain in context of the EU. For illustrating the concept of UTPs and delivering a theoretical basis for scrutinizing the term of fairness in respective trading practices the paper suggests the three variables 1) bargaining power, 2) market power/anti competitive practices and 3) unequal gain distribution. Subsequently the article presents selected national food-specific legislative based reactions towards UTPs evolved in context of the three variables. Ultimately the paper presents a qualitatively generated hypothesis which presumes that legislative food-specific measurements focussing on protecting suppliers lead to a beneficial monetary share for farmers, by means of influencing the producer price to a monetarily advantageous extent. The hypothesis was generated unprejudiced in the run-up to the paper. The research design which led to the hypothesis mentioned will be presented.
French far right activism experienced tremendous changes in recent years. Besides traditional far right party politics, new patterns of street-based mobilization attract especially action-oriented youths. This trend is epitomized by the growing popularity of the Bloc Identitaire (official name; shortened to “Identitaires”). Its ideology rests on the idea that there exists a struggle between different political families in order to become the legitimate representative of the people, and that the extreme right is winning this struggle. Behind the scenes, the recurring idea of the Bloc Identitaires is to occupy a cultural and “meta-political” territory that was once the monopoly of the left. Their aim is that they are gradually associated with the only possible alternative to change the world. They try to frame a maximum of popular needs and present themselves as substitutes for when the economy and the state will be bankrupt. So you can eat the food of the Identitaires, drink their beer (the “Desouchière”), buy their clothes, listen to their music or read their books and thus participate in financing the movement...
An analysis of the UK's counter-terrorism strategy, CONTEST, and the challenges in its evaluation
(2016)
The UK’s Counter-Terrorism strategy, known as CONTEST, is recognized as one of the most successful soft-focus strategies in the world, with an intended emphasis on community support and what have become known as ‘Prevent’ (or counter-extremism) measures. In all, there are four limbs to CONTEST: PREVENT, PROTECT, PURSUE and PREPARE. While there is much crossover between these areas, for example policing activities take place in all four limbs, each one has a specific focus with its own intrinsic goals. This article intends to provide an overview of CONTEST, and to explore the challenges of evaluating counter-terrorism strategies in general. In doing so, I intend to show that while robust and independent evaluation of CONTEST has not been undertaken from a quantitative approach, some level of evaluation has taken place and can be taken into consideration when moving forward with future analysis of the strategy...
Dies ist der 16. Artikel in unserer Blogreihe Trouble on the Far-Right.
„Wir sind zwar hinter Gittern, aber unsere Ideen sind an der Macht“, erklärte der Führer der Grauen Wölfe, Alparslan Türkeş nach dem Militärputsch vom 12. September 1980 in der Türkei. Damals hatten die Generäle als Zeichen ihrer angeblichen Neutralität neben Zehntausenden inhaftierten Linken auch einige hundert Anhänger der faschistischen Grauen Wölfe anklagen lassen. Entsprechend könnten sich heute seine Nachfolger rühmen: „Wir sind zwar nicht an der Regierung, aber unsere Ideen sind an der Macht.“ Denn die Herrschaft der seit 2002 alleine regierenden und gemeinhin als islamisch-konservativ charakterisierten Partei für Gerechtigkeit und Aufschwung (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) von Staatspräsident Recep Tayyip Erdoğan und Ministerpräsident Ahmet Davutoğlu stützt sich zunehmend auf die Ideologie, die Methoden und selbst das Personal der Grauen Wölfe. Umgekehrt ist die offiziell in der Opposition stehende parlamentarische Vertretung der Grauen Wölfe, die Partei der Nationalistischen Bewegung (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – MHP) eine Kriegsallianz mit der AKP-Regierung gegen die kurdische Befreiungsbewegung eingegangen...
Este artigo visa compreender o estatuto do monismo do reconhecimento proposto por Axel Honneth, por meio de uma análise da relação estabelecida por ele entre reconstrução normativa e descrição social. Tendo esse objetivo, procuraremos inicialmente mostrar que, para reabrir o domínio do social e identificar um interesse mais realista à emancipação na sociedade, Honneth enfatiza a importância dos padrões institucionalizados do reconhecimento e das lutas morais no interior de todos os processos de reprodução social. Retomando, em seguida, algumas das críticas dirigidas a ele dessa perspectiva, argumentaremos que, nos momentos em que afirma que o funcionamento da economia pode ser compreendido a partir da teoria do reconhecimento, Honneth ignora a especificidade dos mecanismos econômicos de reprodução. Estendendo esse argumento às várias dimensões da reprodução social, mobilizaremos então diferentes autores para mostrar que, nas passagens em que defende que o desenvolvimento da sociedade está ancorado nos três padrões normativos de reconhecimento, Honneth parece fundir o nível da reconstrução normativa com o da descrição social, negligenciando com isso as relações de poder que permeiam a realidade social. Explicitando, por fim, a estratégia negativa de reconstrução utilizada por Honneth, concluímos o artigo mostrando como, ao partir das experiências de desrespeito, ele recusa as acusações de que o monismo do reconhecimento possui pretensões descritivas e lhe atribui um estatuto moral.
This is the ninth post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
This article disputes the conceptualization of institutionalization as a one-way process. Instead, it argues that social movement organizations can make use of contentious tactics while being institutionalized. The environmental NGO Birdlife Malta provides an example to illustrate this argument
A proposta que norteia esta pesquisa encontra seu fundamento na crítica de Theodor Adorno aos advogados da “Indústria Cultural”. Procuramos investigar em que consiste tal crítica, dando evidência às suas principais características, bem como aos seus reflexos no corpo social, uma vez que, a arte e a cultura, que são manifestações do espírito humano, tornaram-se produtos industrializados e comercializados, perdendo a sua essência. O escopo da arte e da cultura, entendida como a libertação e a emancipação do homem, fora violado, sendo transformado em meras mercadorias descartáveis, com a finalidade de disseminar o pensamento da classe dominante através do seu sistema econômico, acarretando em uma pseudo-individualidade. O homem passou a ser objeto de manipulação da indústria que transforma tudo em mercadoria. Esta maquinaria engloba tudo, e nem mesmo alguns atos de contestação deixam de ser incorporados e diluídos pela Indústria Cultural que rapidamente procura transformá-las em produtos para comercialização, revelando que tudo aquilo que está contra o sistema é absorvido e reinterpretado, tragando a individualidade. Os homens, por sua vez, se não aderirem à forma de pensar imposta pela Indústria, soçobrarão em meio à multidão consumidora. Assim, nossa análise compreende esta Indústria como um braço do sistema capitalista, que através dos meios de comunicação de amplo acesso, exerce grande influência na difusão e disseminação da ideologia desse sistema.
Sob a ótica do conceito adorniano de autonomia estética, analisamos aqui de qual forma se dá a relação entre sociedade e arte, passando por discussões quanto à separação entre teoria e práxis, quanto à lógica interna da obra de arte, quanto ao poder de integração da indústria cultural, em relação às obras de arte, e quanto à impossibilidade de controlar os seus efeitos sociais, seja ela autônoma, seja engajada. Trata-se, ainda, de demonstrar o caráter ilusório da proposição segundo a qual a arte seria eficaz instrumento politizador, quando utilizada de forma a engajar e adaptar seu conteúdo a objetivos políticos pré-determinados, o que será feito por meio da análise interpretativa das obras de Theodor W. Adorno e de seus comentadores, na área de estética.
Interrogando-se sobre o lugar da filosofia de Theodor W. Adorno no âmbito do pensamento crítico contemporâneo, o presente artigo procura dar conta dos revezes da recepção político-filosófica da dialéctica negativa (das posturas críticas de Habermas, Lyotard ou Agamben às mais favoráveis de Jameson e Holloway) e discutir a sua relevância actual. Defender-se-á que a politização do pensamento adorniano é possível, muito embora as suas valências críticas não se restrinjam a essa possibilidade. Hoje, a dialéctica negativa funcionaria também como antídoto contra os atalhos tomados pelas correntes "voluntarista" (Peter Hallward), "messiânica" (Agamben) e "ontológica" (realismo especulativo) da filosofia, à entrada do século XXI. Contudo, atendendo a que a relação entre teoria e prática é complexa em Adorno, a sua relevância actual ressaltaria em relação com as reacções críticas que o movimento do "realismo especulativo" tem suscitado. Em diálogo com alguns dos seus interlocutores (Markus Gabriel e Adrian Johnston), sugere-se que o desenvolvimento de uma "dialéctica constelar" depende da introdução de um elemento destotalizador no seio do diagnóstico radical - a um só tempo materialista e transcendental - da dialéctica negativa.
This is the fifth article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
The threat that the far right poses to civil society changes across time and space. In Britain this threat has generally been in the form of hate-crimes and public disorder, yet in the past two decades there has been a shift towards solo-actor terrorism. By examining far right groups in the UK in the post-war period this paper explores the drivers of this change; namely, how membership in extremist groups combined with the proliferation of far right networks created by the internet can create a pathway to radicalisation which ends in acts of terror.
This article examines Adorno’s non-identity thinking and the moral role of mimesis. On the one hand, Adorno criticises Kant’s moral theory, revealing the heteronomy of morality and the untruth of subjective freedom, on the other he defends the utopistic urge of the “transcendental”, moving from finitude and imperfection. Adorno opposes to the bourgeois personality neither a naïve return to nature, nor a getting rid of the subject, but the individual as differentiated coexistence of self and otherness, spirit and nature.
Zwischen Banalisierung und Dramatisierung: Zum medialen Diskurs über Salafismus in Frankreich
(2016)
Dies ist der 15. Artikel unseres Blogfokus „Salafismus in Deutschland“. Seit einigen Jahren ist Salafismus in Deutschland in aller Munde. Ganz anders im Nachbarland Frankreich, wo sich der Begriff selbst nach mehreren Attentaten mit „salafistischen Hintergrund“ nicht recht durchgesetzt hat. Um diesem Paradox auf den Grund zu gehen, habe ich den Diskurs über Salafismus in der französischen Presse dahingehend untersucht, wie das Thema über die letzten zehn Jahre immer wieder eingeführt und diskutiert wurde. Zu diesem Zweck habe ich eine systematische, kontextuelle Suche der Stichworte „Salafismus“, „Salafist“ und „salafistisch“ in den Archiven der fünf (zahlungspflichtigen) französischen Zeitungen mit nationaler Ausbreitung im Zeitraum von 2005 bis 2015 durchgeführt.1 Auf diese Weise kann ein etwaiger Wandel des Begriffs nachvollzogen werden...
O objetivo do presente texto é repensar a aporia pela qual o livro “Dialética do Esclarecimento” é anunciado, a saber, a autodestruição do esclarecimento ou a procura da liberdade pela racionalidade, mas que culmina em uma regressão. Nossa argumentação perfaz dois caminhos: primeiramente, apresentamos a relação existente na obra entre um tipo de antropologia com bases freudianas e uma leitura da sociologia de Marx. Concebemos a noção de uma estrutura psíquica permeável às condições sócio-históricas do ser humano ocidental. Tal condição é imprescindível para a saída da aporia intimamente relacionada a uma antropologia psíquica ligada a um modo histórico da cultura e sociedade. Na sequência, propomos ainda um paralelo entre a possibilidade de um esclarecimento efetivo por meio do resíduo mítico presente na racionalidade técnica apresentada por Horkheimer e Adorno e a assunção da situação humana de desamparo na visão de mundo religiosa, modo freudiano para se alcançar uma posição mais “científica” em relação à realidade. Nesse contexto, utilizaremos rapidamente parte da teoria de Weber como meio para relacionarmos o esclarecimento à religião no que ambos têm em comum, isto é, a defesa contra o sofrimento, a angústia e o desamparo. Talvez seja por meio da assunção do desamparo na racionalidade situada na visão religiosa de mundo, ou ainda, a assunção do mito na racionalidade técnica do esclarecimento, que permitirá o futuro desenvolvimento de uma “antropologia dialética”, o que resultaria na saída da aporia enquanto condição histórica da racionalidade humana.
Beyond radicalism and resignation: the competing logics for public participation in policy decisions
(2016)
Participation – like justice or freedom – is a term that can be constructed in multiple ways. However, existing typologies of participation pay little attention to the alternative logics for public participation in policy decisions: either they assume one particular normative bias or categorise by institutional design features without reference to the broader ideology that informs the use of these designs. This paper outlines an alternative approach that connects the variety in participatory practices to competing theories of democracy and public administration. It identifies four archetypes of participation: knowledge transfer; collective decision-making; choice and voice; and arbitration and oversight.
Indignados and occupy: channeling political dissatisfaction through an anti-institutional approach
(2016)
This is the fourth post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
Between 2011 and 2012 many public spaces in global North were indefinitely occupied by people dissatisfied with the political system. The origin of this dissatisfaction, however, is not clear. This article rejects that the origin was either a popular longing for direct democracy or for an end to neoliberalism. It problematizes the frequent assumption that voting is a proper way to account for the will of the people: The manifestation of thousands of Indignados and Occupiers pointed to the idea that elections are not a sufficient method for expressing political will. This article goes further to suggest that voting is not a neutral method either.
Das britische Austrittsreferendum ist eng mit der größeren Thematik der EU-Krise verknüpft. Gäbe es keine Krise der europäischen Integration, hätte der Brexit weniger Appeal. Umgekehrt könnte das Votum der britischen Bevölkerung die EU-Krise dramatisch verschärfen. Aus der Sicht dritter Staaten kann die Reputation des globalen Akteurs EU nur leiden, wenn eines der größten und wichtigsten Mitglieder die Leinen kappt, weil, so die „Brexiteers“, das europäische Projekt ohnehin keine Zukunft habe. Welche Konsequenzen der Brexit für den Rest der EU haben wird, hängt auch davon ab, wie Großbritannien den Exit-Schock und die Folgen verarbeitet. Möglicherweise wird den Briten (und anderen) der Wert der EU erst mit dem Ausscheiden deutlich. Dennoch erwischt der Brexit die EU in einer denkbar ungünstigen Phase und könnte die Krise vertiefen. Zumindest macht das Beispiel Schule. Bereits vor der britischen Entscheidung forderten Parteien und Bewegungen in mehreren EU-Ländern ebenfalls das Recht auf ein Referendum über Verbleib oder Austritt. Und Umfragen deuteten an, dass zumindest in einigen EU-Ländern eine Mehrheit für den Austritt votieren könnte. Nach dem Brexit rufen Marine Le Pen, Norbert Hofer und andere noch lauter nach Abstimmungen in ihren Ländern. Die europäischen Eliten werden sich in dem Spagat üben müssen, einerseits bei europäischen Fragen auf ihre Bevölkerungen zu hören, andererseits die Forderungen nach organisierter Beteiligung in Form von Referenden abzuwehren....
Il saggio approfondisce l’opera di due artisti fondamentali degli ultimi decenni, ovvero Antoni Tàpies e Bill Viola. La loro produzione artistica riesce a sfuggire alla condanna che Th. W. Adorno fa di tutti quei movimenti che rimettono in questione il concetto di arte e la nozione di opera. Questi due artisti salvano lo statuto dell’arte nella società post-industriale, vale a dire in un momento in cui le trasformazioni profonde del sistema culturale rischiano di minacciare la sopravvivenza della creazione artistica, come se la razionalità estetica non potesse che abdicare davanti alla razionalità strumentale. Sono pochi i pittori che come Antoni Tàpies riescono a infondere alla materia inanimata un’irradiazione e una capacità di evocazione tanto intense, mentre per Bill Viola tutte le opere d’arte rappresentano cose invisibili e la stessa tecnologia digitale non è altro che una forma più pura per avvicinarsi a quelle realtà non fisiche e non visibili che stanno sotto alle cose visibili del mondo. La scommessa di Tàpies e Viola riguarda la sopravvivenza dell’arte nell’universo mercantile di una società sempre più amministrata e sottoposta agli imperativi economici; la loro produzione pare mirata a renderci consapevoli della nostra mortalità, offrendo immagini in grado di mettere in connessione la dimensione sensibile e quella spirituale, il visibile e l’invisibile, aprendo lo spazio a una trascendenza che sembrava completamente svanita.
The Methodological seminar was conducted by the scientific journal “Philosophy of Education” (Institute of Higher Education, National Academy of Educational Sciences of Ukraine). The participants of the seminar were Prof. Panos Eliopoulos (University of Peloponnese, Greece), Lyudmyla Gorbunova, Mykhailo Boychenko, Olga Gomilko, Mariia Kultaieva, Volodymyr Kovtunets, Sergiy Kurbatov, Anna Laktionova, Tetiana Matusevych, Natalia Radionova, Iryna Stepanenko, Maya Trynyak and Viktor Zinchenko. On March 30, 2016, a methodological seminar was conducted at the Institute of Higher Education NAES of Ukraine. This seminar was devoted to the discussion of educational problems in the area of mass culture, and relative opportunities for the development of individuality. The report «Mass culture, education and the perspective of individuality» was made by Panos Eliopulos, professor of Peloponnese University, a member of journal’s «Філософія освіти. Philosophy of Education” editorial board. The scientists from the Institute of Higher Education, Institute of Philosophy of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Skovoroda National Pedagogical University of Kharkiv participated in this event. Designated issues were observed primarily from the point of view of the Frankfurt School representatives, as well as representatives of modern critical philosophy of education and critical pedagogy. It was emphasized that T.Adorno’s ideas and ideas of other Frankfurt School members, which were developed in the middle of the last century, continue to be relevant in current socio-cultural contexts. The technical rationalism which became the rationalism of dominance in the context of technological civilization, could not provide the way toward the liberation of man and the development of his or her individuality. Market society with its instrumental rationality leads to homogenization and standardization of mass culture and as a result, we have a semi-education, leading to destruction of personality and social pathologies. The panelists agreed that semi-education reflects the crisis of ideals of education and training as far as a suspension of human emancipation process. Due to suspension of the creative process of a person formation, replacing it by the processes of stereotyping based on mimetic rationality, culture itself loses creative potential. The process of degradation of education and culture in the semi-education eventually leads to its destruction at theoretical level and the elaboration of the practice of anti-education. Only through returning of the individual and maintaining his or her social importance due to the tools of holistic education it is possible to overcome such stereotyping. For Frankfurt School members, and those who share their ideals, true education in its meta-theoretical sense becomes the important factor, contributing to the emancipation of society and individual. This idea is particularly important in the context of contemporary challenges and threats from instrumentalization of approaches to the process of transformation of the Ukrainian culture and education.
Professionelle Förderung für junge Wissenschaftler/-innen bei Forschungsprojekten zu Bildung, Erziehung und Didaktik: Mit dem GRADE Centre Education (GRADE EDU) hat die Graduiertenakademie GRADE der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt das neunte disziplinübergreifende Zentrum geschaffen. Im Interview berichten Prof. Dr. Tim Engartner, Sprecher des GRADE Centre Education, sowie Dr. Matthias Herrle, Koordinator des GRADE Centre Education und Mitglied im Vorstand, wer von dem neuen Zentrum in welcher Weise profitieren kann und welche Herausforderungen es zu meistern gilt.
Gestern hat der Deutsche Bundestag mit nur einer Gegenstimme und einer Enthaltung zum ersten Mal den Völkermord an den Armeniern im Ersten Weltkrieg formal anerkannt. Die Türkei hat daraufhin sogleich ihren Botschafter zurückbeordert; weitere Maßnahmen z. B. die Aussetzung des Flüchtlingskompromisses könnten folgen. Die Krux jedoch von all‘ dem ist die Frage, ob es in den Jahren 1915-1917 einen Genozid an der eigenen christlich-armenischen Minderheit gab oder nicht:...
Dies ist der 25. Artikel in unserer Blogreihe Trouble on the Far-Right.
Ein Mädchen auf einem Fahrrad. Weiße Bluse, schwarzer langer Rock, weiße Socken, schwarze Schuhe. Sie fährt durch eine idyllische, friedlich wirkende, sommerliche Landschaft. Unter dem Foto steht: „Revolt against the modern world – justnationalistgirls“.
Eine Demonstration. Einzig bengalische Feuer erleuchten die Dunkelheit. Schemenhaft erkennt man eine Frau, die auf eine gefährlich anmutende Menge zugeht. Sie wirkt stark. Unter dem Foto steht: „The night’s still young – justnationalistgirls“.
Dass rechte Bewegungen Facebook zur Mobilisierung nutzen, ist bekannt. Auch die extrem rechte Facebookseite justnationalistgirls, die knapp 9000 Nutzer*innen liken, transportiert extrem rechte Inhalte, jedoch ungleich subtiler verpackt, als es auf so manch dezidiert neonazistischer Facebookseite der Fall ist. Justnationalistgirls und ähnliche Seiten reproduzieren auf den ersten Blick, scheinbar harmlos, eine idealisierte Vorstellung von Mädchen und jungen Frauen, die ihr heimisches Idyll beschützen möchten. Die im April 2014 gegründete Seite hat sich vor allem in Frankreich, Deutschland, Österreich, Polen und den USA eine Anhänger*innenschaft erarbeitet. Die generelle Botschaft ist nicht offensichtlich erkennbar. Mit Sicherheit gesagt werden kann jedoch, dass justnationalistgirls mindestens zwei, scheinbar widersprüchliche Weiblichkeitsbilder verbreitet, welche in den meisten rechten Gruppen oder Bewegungen Anklang finden: Zum einen die traditionelle Rolle der Frau als Mutter der Nation, zum anderen die der Kämpferin neben dem Mann im „nationalen Befreiungskampf“.
Die folgenden Einschätzung sowie daraus resultierende Handlungsempfehlungen formuliere ich aus meiner Erfahrung in der politischen Bildungsarbeit. Justnationalistgirls ist ein Türöffner zu extrem rechtem Gedankengut. Selbstredend ist der Einstieg in die organisierte und gegebenenfalls militante, extrem rechte Szene weitaus vielschichtiger und nicht nur auf das Besuchen einer bestimmten Internetseite zurückführbar. Inhalte, wie sie auf justnationalistgirls veröffentlicht werden, stellen allerdings ein niedrigschwelliges Einstiegsangebot dar, dem eine demokratische, politische Bildung dringend etwas entgegensetzen muss. In erster Linie gehört dazu die Förderung der Fähigkeit zum Hinterfragen und Dekonstruieren extrem rechter Ideen und Parolen. Betrachtet man das Publikum, welches die Inhalte von justnationalistgirls teilt, liest oder mit „gefällt mir“-markiert, fällt auf, dass es sich vor allem um Jugendliche und junge Erwachsene handelt. „Besonders Jugendliche auf der Suche nach Orientierung sind dafür empfänglich, wenn es erstmal unverfänglich aussieht.“, sagt Simone Rafael von der Amadeu-Antonio-Stiftung.
Im Folgenden soll der Frage nachgegangen werden, welche Weiblichkeitsbilder durch justnationalistgirls transportiert und anhand dieser Handlungsempfehlungen formuliert werden, an denen sich eine Form von politischer Bildung als Rechtsextremismusprävention orientieren kann. Justnationalistgirls soll hier als ein Beispiel für viele Formen versteckter rechter oder rassistischer Inhalte in sozialen Medien gesehen werden, welche vor allem von Akteur*innen politischer Bildung mehr Aufmerksamkeit erhalten sollten.
This is the second article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Since 2011 signs have been multiplying in Europe of a far right grassroots insurgency in the making. And there were signals, too, of a racist insurrection: arson attacks, petrol bombs, paramilitary and vigilante activities, and the stockpiling of weapons. The first major indication of the far right’s capacity for mass murder came from Norway on 22 July 2011. Anders Behring Breivik killed 77 people, mainly teenagers, whom he shot dead at the Labour Party youth summer camp on Oslo’s Utøya Island. At his trial, Breivik described the youngsters he so cruelly murdered as ‚traitors‘ who had embraced immigration in order to promote an ‘Islamic colonization of Norway‘..
Ein historischer Moment? Die UN beschließen erstmals Verhandlungen zu einem Nuklearwaffenverbot
(2016)
Um Mitternacht deutscher Zeit beschloss der Erste Hauptausschuss (Ausschuss für Abrüstung und Internationale Sicherheit) der UN-Generalversammlung mit großer Mehrheit, dass im nächsten Jahr Verhandlungen über ein Verbot von Kernwaffen aufgenommen werden sollen. Damit gipfelte die sogenannte Humanitäre Initiative, die sich in den vergangenen Jahren formierte und zunehmend an Momentum gewann, in einer historischen Resolution. Mit 123 zu 38 Stimmen, bei 16 Enthaltungen, stimmten knapp Zweidrittel der Staaten für Resolution L.41 („Taking forward multilateral nuclear disarmament negotiations“). Die USA und Russland, deren Arsenale zusammen über 95% der weltweiten Kernwaffen ausmachen, stimmten ebenso dagegen, wie (mit Ausnahme der Niederlande) sämtliche NATO-Mitglieder, darunter auch Deutschland. Wir rufen an dieser Stelle in Erinnerung, was sich hinter der Humanitären Initiative verbirgt, was es mit dem nun zu verhandelnden Kernwaffenverbot auf sich hat und werfen einen Blick auf das Abstimmungsergebnis....
This is the first article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Europe is in trouble. Far right politics is spreading all over the place and its actors and discourses become increasingly influential at various levels: Parties from the far right achieved successes in French, Austrian and Slovakian elections. Far right movement organizations in Germany and Italy mobilized thousands of people to the streets. In Sweden and Great Britain, vigilante and terrorist groups wage armed struggle. And last but not least, ‚illiberal models of democracy‘ in Poland and Hungary demonstrate the far right’s capacity to transform politics on the European level...
This is the 27. and final article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
Trouble on the far right has become troubling for Europe. Not only do right-wing motivated attacks occur regularly against Roma camps, ethnic minorities, LGBTQI people and Jewish institutions. At the same time, a xenophobic discourse on refugees has gained momentum in politics and society and further blurred the lines between far right agitation and mainstream politics. In order to classify these events adequately, far right activism should not just be regarded as a security issue that can be eliminated by force, but as a threat that threatens the foundations of open, democratic and pluralist societies. Hence, we should be aware that far right politics are neither a new nor an isolated phenomenon but often bank on existing cultures of (gender, competitive, nativist) domination in capitalist societies.1
Certain developments have recently accelerated a radicalization of the political mainstream in terms of rhetoric, demands and policy outcomes and transformed the institutional landscape. The Slovakian parliamentary elections and the fateful presidential elections in Austria are central events during our 10-week blog series that prove the inherent dynamic. The right-wing government in Poland that has started removing fundamental rights and facilitated the spread of nationalist values is another example.
Contrary to the one-sided academic focus on elections, far right influence on European societies should be measured on three further levels: Massive street mobilizations epitomized by Pegida in Germany (and beyond) and the Italian Stop Invasione rallies, clandestine organizing such as the British far right militants and prospering relations between state authorities and far right movements, for example in Turkey, testify a growing diversification of far right activism. These scenarios demand methodologically and theoretically innovative perspectives. Our blog series Trouble on the Far Right has provided them with an international forum.
Kaum ein Thema hat in den letzten Jahren die öffentliche Diskussion geprägt wie die Frage nach dem Datenschutz: Die von Edward Snowdon losgetretene Affäre um den amerikanischen Geheimdienst hat endgültig den Nutzer digitaler Medien als eine gefährdete Spezies erscheinen lassen. Denn fast jeder benutzt heute mobile Smartphones und Tablet Computer für eine allgegenwärtige Kommunikation, Datenspeicherung und -verwaltung und noch vieles mehr – und ist damit latent staatlichen und öffentlichen Datenspionen ausgesetzt. Verschwindet nun in dem Maße, wie das Nutzerverhalten vor ungewollten Zugriffen von außen kaum oder möglicherweise gar nicht zu schützen ist, auch die Privatsphäre, wird der Mensch zunehmend gläsern?
This is the 23. article in our series Trouble on the Far-Right.
ccording to several observers new waves of refugees’ arrivals could increase the popularity of far right organizations.1 In these interpretations electoral and political support should be promoted by societal resonance of ethnocentric discourses. Recent data from the Eurobarometer illustrates that in EU-member states migration from non-EU countries is now considered to be the most important concern that the Union is facing. This is a sudden shift with respect to the results of the 2013 Eurobarometer where – in the middle of the euro crisis – EU citizens seemed to be more concerned about the economy and unemployment. I propose to place the magnifying glass on the arguments developed by these organizations by focusing on the least researched members of the far right family: nonparty organizations. After introducing CasaPound Italia (CPI) it will be discussed what fuels its anti-migrant’s discourse by highlighting continuities and changes with respect to classic nativist far right rhetoric. Digging into the arguments is crucial to getting a better assessment of their potential appeal especially in a favorable context...
For the first time in post-Communist Romania, the national legislative elections organized in December 2016 allow the citizens living abroad to cast their vote by regular mail. To use postal voting the voters had to register between May and September 2016 and numbers reveal that very few voters registered. This article analyzes the sources of information used by those who registered and the causes of those who did not register. We use data from a survey conducted between 18 September (a few days after registration was closed) and 4 October 2016 with 403 respondents. The results are not generalizable to the entire diaspora (since the sampling is not representative probabilistic) but they are informative and relevant to the understanding of the process. They show that that main sources of information for those who registered were online (Facebook and the website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs), newspapers, and friends and acquaintances. At the same time, the absence of information about registration and the difficulty of procedures were the main reasons against the registration.
This is the sixth post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
How is it that the actions of institutions come to be perceived as unjust by a critical mass? And how does this perception translate into collective action? Adopting a framing perspective, this article proposes to investigate the meanings that people attach to specific events as key for understanding interaction dynamics between social movement and institutions.
This is the fifth post in the blog series „Movements and Institutions“.
The article traces a formalization process within the Interventionist Left (IL). Against theoretical expectations that would assume a de-radicalization of aims and repertoires of protest, we find that due to the network’s multi-track strategy, and the claim to radicalize existing social debates, the IL did not de-radicalize despite a formalization process and a partial integration into established systems.
The article aims to sharpen the neo-republican contribution to international political thought by challenging Pettit’s view that only representative states may raise a valid claim to non-domination in their external relations. The argument proceeds in two steps: First I show that, conceptually speaking, the domination of states, whether representative or not, implies dominating the collective people at least in its fundamental, constitutive power. Secondly, the domination of states – and thus of their peoples – cannot be justified normatively in the name of promoting individual non-domination because such a compensatory rationale misconceives the notion of domination in terms of a discrete exercise of power instead of as an ongoing power relation. This speaks in favour of a more inclusive law of peoples than Pettit (just as his liberal counterpart Rawls) envisages: In order to accommodate the claim of collective peoples to non-domination it has to recognize every state as a member of the international order.