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Institute
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Роботу «Філософія і вчитель» Теодор Адорно вперше прочитав як доповідь у Будинку студентів міста Франкфурта-на-Майні в листопаді 1961 року. У цій доповіді Адорно продовжив тему критики тих чинників тодішньої освіти Західної Німеччини, які унеможливлюють особисту боротьбу інтелектуала з культурними залишками тоталітарного суспільства. Адорно зауважив такий важливий елемент освітнього процесу, яким є іспит із філософії. Цей іспит мають складати майбутні вчителі, кандидати на посаду викладача ґімназії. Також Адорно звернув свою увагу на тенденцію формалістичного дотримання Правил складання іспитів деякими майбутніми вчителями, які не здатні зрозуміти гуманістичну, емансипаційно-духовну суть філософії, а отже й не розуміють мету проведення названого іспиту. Ушанувавши давню традицію академічної свободи німецького Університету, Адорно зауважив постать німецького філософа, охарактеризувавши його тією людиною, інтелектуальна діяльність якої вплинула на гуманізацію освіти в німецькому Університеті, що безпосередньо далося взнаки відповідним социокультурним перетворенням. Однак, на думку Адорно, в повоєнних університетах ФРН переважає тенденція дотримання засад саме наукового пізнання. Ця тенденція поєднана зі ставленням деяких майбутніх учителів до знання як до привласненого у споживацький спосіб, що зумовлено браком особистої любові до власного фаху й до своїх студентів. Адорно був переконаний у тому, що такі вчителі байдужі до свого фаху й не мають до нього покликання. Ознакою відсутності покликання в цих людях Адорно назвав інтелектуальну недбалість, провінційність мовлення і провінційну нездатність зрозуміти свободу людини як духовну цінність. Подібні вчителі неспроможні пропонувати нове знання своїм студентам як за допомогою добірного усного мовлення, так і за допомогою досконалого письмового викладу. Цілком іншою Адорно запропонував убачати людину, яка здатна засвоювати знання, що потрібні для розуміння свого професійного обов’язку. Використовуючи саморозуміння та саморефлексію, вона зможе самостійно збагнути сенс своєї педагогічної роботи. Ця людина сумлінно і терпляче виконуватиме свою роботу задля практичного впровадження в суспільство гуманістичних ідеалів попереднього філософського знання.
Що означає «опрацювання минулого» : (переклад з німецької, анотація і післямова Віталія Брижніка)
(2018)
Роботу «Що означає «опрацювання Минулого» Адорно вперше прочитав як доповідь 6 листопада 1959 року перед Координаційною радою з питань християнсько-єврейської співпраці. У цій доповіді Адорно розглянув суть соціальної ідеології, панівної в повоєнній Німеччині, яка зумовлювала стратегії суспільного примирення з політичними злочинами колишньої націонал-соціалістичної влади. На думку філософа, соціальна ідеологія суспільства споживання використовує чималу кількість відповідних засобів, аби стабілізувати свій панівний статус у суспільстві. Й передусім вона намагається ліквідувати колективну історичну пам’ять людей про жахи воєнного періоду, прагнучи витиснути їх із колективної свідомості, зокрема й завдяки спогадам людей про «кращі часи» життя під «опікою» попередньої, тоталітарної влади. Філософ назвав суроґатною ідентичність цих людей, соціально інтеґрованих лише завдяки авторитету владної особистості. Вони не ототожнюють себе з жертвами тоталітарного режиму через уплив на їхню свідомість культурних елементів цієї соціальної ідеології. Іншим наслідком даного впливу також стає відчуження цих людей від ідеї демократії як чинника належних соціокультурних перетворень. Дієвим засобом подолання цього впливу Адорно визначив нову, «демократичну педагогіку» і просвіту як «другу освіту», що практично здійснюють у суспільстві освічені люди, які володіють знанням про минулі злочини тоталітарного режиму. Тим самим вони зумовлюють у межах освітнього процесу дієве «опрацювання Минулого» через формування особистого розуміння окремої людини соціальних причин і жахливих наслідків панування тоталітарного режиму. Це ліквідує її «політичне неповноліття» й тим самим унеможливлює історичне повторення в Європі злочинів авторитарної влади.
Weg mit den Talaren! Hoch die Doktorhüte! : vom Wandel der Zeremonialität an deutschen Universitäten
(2018)
"Unter den Talaren – Muff von 1000 Jahren": Dieser Slogan steht wie kaum ein anderer für die Aufbruchstimmung der 68er-Generation. Damit zielten die Hamburger Studenten auf das Verschweigen der NS-Vergangenheit ab, anschließend ging es aber auch den Talaren selbst an den Kragen. Seit einigen Jahren wird im zeremoniellen Raum der Universitäten vielfach experimentiert: Die Fächer bilden eine jeweils eigene Feierkultur aus – auf der Suche nach einem Übergang von der Universität in das berufliche Leben.
Adorno pensou a filosofia moral em diversos momentos de sua carreira filosófica, notadamente em Minima Moralia (1951), Dialética Negativa (1966) e em seu curso publicado postumamente Probleme der Moralphilosophie (1996). Uma avaliação conjunta desses textos permite indicar a centralidade do que Adorno chamou de “dialética da moral” – entre impulso somático e racionalidade – na constituição da experiência do prático. Além disso, as reflexões sobre a moral são um momento privilegiado das análises metafilosóficas de Adorno, que identificam em boa parte da tradição filosófica ocidental sobre a moral a presença da dominação da natureza interna – processo que caberia à dialética materialista da moral criticar e ajudar a transformar.
Este trabalho tenciona fazer uma análise a respeito das contribuições de Axel Honneth no que concerne às suas contribuições para o debate sobre teorias da justiça no contexto atual. Neste sentido, pode ser elencada como principal a tentativa de alcançar princípios normativos pautados na horizontalidade, ou seja, na própria realidade social. Para alcançar êxito nesta empreitada reflexivo-filosófica, parte-se de suas obras A textura da justiça: sobre os limites do procedimentalismo contemporâneo e O direito da Liberdade, nos quais se tem a questão relacionada à liberdade, sendo esta tomada como o princípio de maior valor na contemporaneidade. Daí, a liberdade direcionada ao aspecto social ser especificamente expressa nas instituições, bem como seu vínculo estar intrinsecamente ligado às relações sociais, de mercado e também ao universo político. Ao se pressupor a existência de um vazio entre os princípios normativos pertencentes à justiça e a realidade social, conforme considera o autor, fomenta-se, a partir deste estudo, notar as potencialidades, bem como os limites desta reconstrução normativa, conforme proposição teórica de Honneth.
The article presents an analysis of the development of labour market risks in Germany in light of changing working poverty risks. Low hourly wages and part-time employment are identified as the main demand-side-related mechanisms for household poverty. Their measurement and development are discussed as well as their contribution to trends in working poverty risks. A rise in low wages, especially among part-time employed households, was decisive for the increase in working poverty risks in Germany by 45% between the end of the 1990s and the end of the 2000s. We therefore study these trends more closely in the multivariate analysis. The results show that while low wages are unequally distributed across occupations and industries, shifts in employment between sectors explain only a minor part of the change in low wages. However, they reveal a polarization of low-wage risks by skill-level and sector of employment, on the one hand, and full-time and part-time employees, on the other hand.
The debate on effects of globalization on welfare states is extensive. Often couched in terms of a battle between the compensation and the efficiency thesis, the scholarly literature has provided contradictory arguments and findings. This article contributes to the scholarly debate by exploring in greater detail the micro-level foundations of compensation theory. More specifically, we distinguish between individual policy preferences for compensatory social policies (unemployment insurance) and human capital-focused social investment policies (education) and expect globalization to mainly affect demand for educational investment. A multi-level analysis of ISSP survey data provides empirical support for this hypothesis. This finding provides an important revision and extension of the classical analytical perspective of compensation theory, because it shows that citizens value the social investment function of the welfare state above and beyond simple compensation via social transfers. This might be particularly relevant in today's skill-centered knowledge economies.
Eu busco neste artigo mostrar alguns aspectos relativos a diferentes pesquisas e reflexões que empreendi em anos recentes sobre o conceito de indústria cultural. A questão central é o pensamento de Theodor W. Adorno com especial atenção para a atualidade de sua dialética negativa. Minha intervenção acerca da atualidade do conceito de indústria cultural possui três passos argumentativos: o entrelaçamento entre racionalidade e dominação como a base de uma teoria da sociedade em Adorno; algumas mudanças no capitalismo contemporâneo e suas implicações para um conceito de indústria cultural no século XXI e; a posição da indústria cultural no contexto da Sociologia brasileira. O objetivo central do artigo, produzido na forma de ensaio, é enfatizar a atualidade da teoria crítica da sociedade de Theodor Adorno mediante argumentos específicos ao campo da Sociologia.
Due to immigration influxes, Germany’s ethnic diversity is on steady rise. Although citizens of immigrant origin make up a high percentage of the population in all Western European countries, they are descriptively underrepresented in most legislative bodies. As widely acknowledged, political parties form the key channels through which societal developments are fed into parliament. By selecting parliamentary candidates, they constitute the most crucial nexus of the population to be represented and legislative bodies. Despite the pivotal role of the intra-party candidate selection in shaping who runs for election, the question of how candidates of immigrant background fare in the candidate selection and whether the criteria political parties use for selecting candidates of immigrant background are the same as for native-born candidates remained a blind spot of the research on minority representation. Therefore, the dissertation scrutinizes the thresholds candidates of immigrant background need to overcome to run for legislative office. It thus tackles the questions of how political parties go about selecting candidates of immigrant background in comparison to native-born candidates and which contextual factors drive their choice of selection behavior. For this purpose, the dissertation develops three ideal-typical selection strategies political parties can adopt towards candidates of immigrant background, which are referred to as neutrality, opening or closure, and empirically tests which selection strategy is in use. To explore parties’ selection behavior towards candidates of immigrant background, the dissertation combines the advantages of quantitative analysis by employing candidate surveys at the state and national level, with advantages of qualitative analysis by conducting interviews with candidates of immigrant background. As the analysis reveals, neutrality is the predominant selection strategy that political parties use towards candidates of immigrant background, the reason being that neutral selection practices involve the fewest intra-party conflicts.
Nosso objetivo neste trabalho é tentar esclarecer o mal-estar causado por algumas leituras que muitas vezes despacham a influência e a presença constante de Hegel na obra de Adorno de forma muito breve e fácil, seja a partir da perspectiva antissistêmica da filosofia adorniana, ou então, desde a perspectiva negativa que a dialética assume em seu pensamento. Nesse sentido, pretendemos expor alguns pontos fundamentais da filosofia hegeliana, em relação aos quais Adorno se coloca claramente como herdeiro. Pretendemos mostrar que o filósofo de Frankfurt pensa não somente sobre estes pontos, mas também a partir deles, i.e., superando-os.
Este artigo procurou refletir sobre alguns aspectos teóricos acerca da Teoria do Reconhecimento desenvolvida por Axel Honneth. Herdeiro da tradição teórica do pensamento crítico frankfurtiano – do qual se destacam pensadores como Adorno, Horkheimer, Marcuse e Habermas –, Honneth propõe uma inovadora teoria normativa dos conflitos sociais. Como fio condutor de sua análise, emerge o argumento de que a evolução social está estruturada pelos conflitos morais dos sujeitos sociais, em busca do reconhecimento recíproco de suas identidades. Assim, ao desenvolver sua teoria, Honneth articula elementos da Teoria Crítica, da filosofia do jovem Hegel e da psicologia social de Mead. Este artigo tem justamente o ensejo de refletir sobre a teia conceitual sobre a qual Honneth fundamenta sua proposta teórica.
Rule is commonly conceptualized with reference to the compliance it invokes. In this article, we propose a conception of rule via the practice of resistance instead. In contrast to liberal approaches, we stress the possibility of illegitimate rule, and, as opposed to critical approaches, the possibility of legitimate authority. In the international realm, forms of rule and the changes they undergo can thus be reconstructed in terms of the resistance they provoke. To this end, we distinguish between two types of resistance—opposition and dissidence—in order to demonstrate how resistance and rule imply each other. We draw on two case studies of resistance in and to international institutions to illustrate the relationship between rule and resistance and close with a discussion of the normative implications of such a conceptualization.
The main sources for the discussion of the category “relation” were Aristotle’s Categories and Metaphysics. Before their translation into Arabic in the 8th and 9th centuries, Christian theologians and in their footsteps Syriac scholars considered Aristotle’s works to be a useful tool in Christological discussions. This article analyzes the category of relation and its development in Arabic-Islamic philosophy in authors such as Kindī and his student Aḥmad Ibn aṭ-Ṭayyib as-Saraḫsī, Fārābī, Ibn Sīnā, Ghazālī, Ibn Rušd, the Sufi Ibn ʿArabī and others.
In den zahlreichen Beiträgen zum "Jubeljahr der 1968er-Bewegung" kommen oft ehemalige Aktive, Historikerinnen und Experten zu Wort. Doch wie blicken eigentlich Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten des 21. Jahrhunderts auf diese Zeit zurück? Dieser Frage hat sich ein zweijähriges Forschungsprojekt am Institut für Politikwissenschaft der Goethe-Universität gewidmet.
Traditionally, in deciding whether some strategy or action in war is proportionate and necessary and thus permissible both international law and just war theory focus exclusively on civilian deaths and the destruction of civilian infrastructure. I argue in this paper that any argument that can explain why we should care about collateral killing and damage to infrastructure can also explain why collateral displacement matters. I argue that displacement is a foreseeable near-proximate cause of lethal harm to civilians and is relevant for proportionality and necessity calculi. Accepting my argument has significant consequences for what we are permitted to do in war and for what obligations we have towards refugees that result from our actions in war.
The theory and practice of urban governance in recent years has undergone both a collaborative and participatory turn. The strong connection between collaboration and participation has meant that citizen participation in urban governance has been conceived in a very particular way: as varying levels of partnership between state actors and citizens. This over-focus on collaboration has led to: 1) a dearth of proposals in theory and practice for citizens to engage oppositionally with institutions; 2) the miscasting of agonistic opportunities for participation as forms of collaboration; 3) an inability to recognise the irruption of agonistic practices into participatory procedures. This article attempts to expand the conception of participatory urban governance by adapting Rosanvallon’s (2008) three democratic counter-powers—prevention, oversight and judgement—to consider options for institutionalising agonistic participatory practices. It argues that these counter-governance processes would more fully realise the inclusion agenda that underpins the participatory governance project.
Participatory policy making is a contested concept that can be understood in multiple ways. So how do those involved with participatory initiatives make sense of contrasting ideas of participation? What purposes and values do they associate with participatory governance? This paper reflects on a Q‐method study with a range of actors, from citizen activists to senior civil servants, involved with participatory initiatives in U.K. social policy. Using principal components analysis, supplemented with data from qualitative interviews, it identifies three shared participation preferences: participation as collective decision making, participation as knowledge transfer, and participation as agonism. These preferences demonstrate significant disagreements between the key informants, particularly concerning the objectives of participation, how much power should be afforded to the public, and what motivates people to participate. Their contrasting normative orientations are used to highlight how participatory governance theory and practice frequently fails to take seriously legitimate diversity in procedural preferences. Moreover, it is argued that, despite the diversity of preferences, there is a lack of imagination about how participation can function when social relations are conflictual.
Für seinen Artikel »Beyond radicalism and resignation: the competing logics for public participation in policy decisions«, der 2017 in der Zeitschrift Policy & Politics erschienen ist, hat Dr. Rikki John Dean, wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Lehrstuhl von Prof. Brigitte Geißel/Institut für Politikwissenschaft, den »Bleddyn Davies prize for the best Early Career paper published in 2017« erhalten. Der UniReport hatte die Gelegenheit, Dean einige Fragen zu seiner Forschung zu stellen.
Unter dem Schlagwort "68er-Bewegung" werden verschiedene linksgerichtete Protestbewegungen, Bürgerrechtsdemonstrationen und antiautoritäre Aktionen zusammengefasst, die ab Mitte der 1960er in Deutschland und zahlreichen anderen Ländern stattfanden und auf eine Umwälzung bestehender sozialer und politischer Strukturen zielten. ...
Yaratıcı endüstri kavramı, aşırı-teknik-kapitalist toplumların bir zorunluluğu olarak 1990’lı yıllarda gerek gündelik yaşama gerekse bilimsel yazına yerleşmeye başlamıştır. Habermas’ın çift değerlilik yaklaşımı doğrultusunda düşünüldüğünde, yaratıcı endüstrilerin, yaratıcılık ve kültürü kullanarak ürettikleri ürünlerin olumlu yanları kadar olumsuz yanlarının da olacağı açıktır. Bu çalışma yaratıcı endüstrilerin, toplumsal alanda anlaşma yönelimli iletişimsel eylemi koordine eden kültürel-normatif yapılar üzerindeki olası bozucu etkilerine dikkat çekmeye çalışmıştır. Çalışma, bu düşünceyi temellendirmek için, Husserl tarafından geliştirilen “yaşam dünyası” ve Habermas tarafından kuramsallaştırılan “yaşam dünyasının sömürgeleştirilmesi” kavramları doğrultusunda ilerlemiştir. Çalışmamızda kısmen Frankfurt Okulu’nun düşüncelerine başvurulmuştur. Çalışmamız özetle, yaratıcı endüstrilerin, yaşam dünyasının temel bileşenlerinden kültürel yeniden üretim, toplumsal bütünleşme ve toplumsallaşma süreçlerini nasıl etkileyeceğine, iletişimsel eylemi ne şekilde koordine edeceğine ve yaşam dünyasını potansiyel olarak nasıl sömürgeleştireceğine odaklanmıştır.
Almost a decade ago, the internet was celebrated as one of history’s greatest liberation tools. People have unparalleled access to information and a greater deal of freedom to express themselves without fear of censorship or reprisal. This enthusiasm was short-lived, however. Today’s internet is heaving with hate speech, censorship, fake news, misinformation, and all forms of extremism. Governments have tightened their grip on digital spaces, and tech companies have grown into nontransparent empires with immense influence on the world’s politics, economies, and societies. These changes have brought forward new terrains of conflict and have redefined the relationship between the citizen and the state.
The truth lies in Chemnitz?
(2018)
"Germany to the Germans! Foreigners out" was the central slogan of the racist riots in the city of Rostock in 1992. For around three days, neo-Nazis controlled the streets in the plattenbau district of Lichtenhagen where the central registration for asylum-seekers (as well as a housing block of Vietnamese contract workers) were situated. ...
De acordo com parte da literatura, a teoria crítica de Adorno é um lamento sobre o fracasso da civilização moderna que é incapaz de dar conta de suas próprias condições de possibilidade. No presente artigo, questiono tal veredito, por meio da análise da questão de como a crítica pode ser feita e de quem seria o destinatário dela, em uma situação de quase completa dominação.
Können nationale Egoismen überwunden werden? : lebendige Podiumsdiskussion zur Zukunft der Eurozone
(2018)
Die Podiumsdiskussion fand statt im Rahmen der Lehrveranstaltungsserie „Europa in Frankfurt“, die als innovatives Lehrkonzept mit Praxisbezug und Kontakt zur Stadtgesellschaft durch die Stiftung Polytechnische Gesellschaft Frankfurt am Main gefördert wird. Zudem ist die Diskussion Teil der Reihe „EuropaDialoge/Dialogues d’Europe“, gemeinsam veranstaltet vom Forschungskolleg Humanwissenschaften und dem Deutsch-Französischen Institut der Geschichts- und Sozialwissenschaften der Goethe-Universität (IFRA).
The purpose of the text is to present an interpretation of Theodor Adorno’s critical reading of authors considered revisionists of Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, particularly Karen Horney. We discuss critically Adorno’s favorable positioning to the Freudian conception of the individual psychic nucleus in contrast to the hasty sociologization of psychoanalysis practiced by the revisionism of Karen Horney. In the final part we try to show how the Adornian perspective ends up by making, in his own way, the same mistake of a hasty sociologization of psychoanalysis he imputed to the revisionists and advocates an theoretical emphasis on the sociological realm that seems also problematic.
Political realists claim that international relations are in a state of anarchy, and therefore every state is allowed to disregard its moral duties towards other states and their inhabitants. Realists argue that complying with moral duties is simply too risky for a state’s national security. Political moralists convincingly show that realists exaggerate both the extent of international anarchy and the risks it poses to states who act morally. Yet moralists do not go far enough, since they do not question realism’s normative core: the claim that when national security is really at risk, states are allowed to disregard their moral duties. I contend that there is at least one moral duty that states should not disregard even if their inhabitants are at risk of death by military aggression: the duty to reduce extreme global poverty. The reason is that even granting that national security is about securing individuals’ right to life, global poverty relief is about that as well.
Recently, many democracies have developed towards more citizens’ involvement in direct democracy or public deliberation. Are these developments linked to different types of democracy? Can public deliberation be mainly found in consensus democracies, whereas direct democracy prevails in majoritarian democracies? By analysing OECD countries around the year 2012, we examine these assumptions. The answer is surprisingly clear. The choice of a democracy to opt for direct democratic instruments or for public deliberation is neither dichotomous nor is it related to the respective pattern type of democracy. Based on these findings, a new typology with four participatory models of democracy is suggested.
With the rise of big data, internet-of-things, machine learning, targeted advertising, face recognition algorithms, virtual assistants, cyberbullying, cyberstalking, and cyberwarfare, we find more and more people and policy makers around the world debating whether technological advances are helping us or hurting us. Such debates often focus on trying to figure out a way to balance the need to preserve human values with the desire to not interfere with technological progress. The central problem that arises then is what to do when values and progress come into direct conflict with each other. Should we err on the side of caution and rein in companies like Google, Twitter, and Facebook so they do not interfere with personal privacy and national democracy? Or should we take a more pioneering perspective and view the occasional rights violation as a necessary risk that can be outweighed by the rewards for medicine, manufacturing, and media? Or should we try to find a middle path and have tech companies and policy makers work together to develop guidelines for “responsible research and innovation”?
Moral refugee markets
(2018)
States are increasingly paying other states to host refugees. For example, in 2010 the EU paid Libya €50 million to continue hosting the refugees within its borders, and five years later Australia offered Cambodia $31.16 million to accept asylum seekers living in Naru. These exchanges, which I call ‘refugees markets,’ have faced criticism by philosophers. Some philosophers claim the markets fail to ensure true protection, and are demeaning, expressing just how much refugees are unwanted. In response, some have defended refugee markets, claiming they can ensure refugees have protection and are not demeaned. I argue that many markets do demean refugees, and therefore have moral costs, but can still be all-things-considered preferable to alternative schemes if they protect refugees more than these alternative schemes.
Questo saggio descrive il progetto ambizioso del costituzionalismo moderno e lo distingue dalla mera giuridicizzazione del potere pubblico. Esso mostra le sfide del costituzionalismo derivanti dalla perdita di identità del potere statale e del potere pubblico. Il saggio afferma la persistenza della necessità di regolare il potere pubblico, indipendentemente dal fatto che sia esercitato dalle autorità statali o da organizzazioni internazionali. Tuttavia, esso solleva dubbi sul fatto che il potere pubblico frammentato a livello internazionale possa essere regolato in modo tale da soddisfare le richieste del costituzionalismo. È in corso una giuridicizzazione che manca delle caratteristiche fondamentali del costituzionalismo. Come realizzare una compensazione in questo senso resta una domanda aperta.
The authors argue, in line with recent research, that operationalizing gender ideology as a unidimensional construct ranging from traditional to egalitarian is problematic and propose an alternative framework that takes the multidimensionality of gender ideologies into account. Using latent class analysis, they operationalize their gender ideology framework based on data from the 2008 European Values Study, of which eight European countries reflecting the spectrum of current work–family policies were selected. The authors examine the form in which gender ideologies cluster in the various countries. Five ideology profiles were identified: egalitarian, egalitarian essentialism, intensive parenting, moderate traditional, and traditional. The five ideology profiles were found in all countries, but with pronounced variation in size. Ideologies mixing gender essentialist and egalitarian views appear to have replaced traditional ideologies, even in countries offering some institutional support for gendered separate spheres.
Fair Trade is under fire. Some critics argue, for instance, that there is no obligation to purchase Fair Trade certified products and that doing so may even be counter-productive. Others worry that well-justified conceptions of what makes trade fair can conflict. Yet others suggest that the common arguments for Fair Trade cannot justify purchasing Fair Trade certified goods, in particular. This paper starts by sketching one common argument for Fair Trade and defends it against this last line of criticism. In particular, it argues that we should purchase Fair Trade certified goods because doing so benefits the poor even though there are other ways to alleviate poverty. It then considers how other common arguments for Fair Trade fare in light of similar criticism and concludes that they may well succeed.
O artigo analisa a crítica social de Adorno, apontando os laços entre formação, sujeito e condições sociais e os efeitos para a educação (Bildung). A despeito da tradição neo-humanista e idealista e das certezas emancipatórias, a formação mostra sua face ilusória. É justamente em relação às questões educativas que o pensamento crítico de Adorno mais revela sua atualidade e potência para mostrar os paradoxos da própria educação. De tal crítica - apesar do paradoxo - decorrem determinadas exigências expressas numa dimensão ético-política e numa dimensão estética para a experiência formativa, cuja potência pode romper com o caráter meramente adaptativo da educação.
The article analyses the 'post-secular turn' in critical theory by comparing Jürgen Habermas' late philosophy with the philosophy of his predecessor Theodor W. Adorno. It poses the question to what extent can Habermas be seen as a post-secular theorist when setting his work against that of Adorno? Following Birgitte Schepelern Johansen, the author develop a concept of post-secularism as a move beyond the strict division between religion and non-religion, and apply the concept to the work of the two critical theorists in question. Finally, Adorno’s work is identified as a 'religious secularism’ and Habermas’ work as a 'post-secular secularism’. Thus, the author points out the ambivalence, which the alleged 'post-secular turn’ breeds, and suggest a reconsideration of the religious motives discovered in Adorno’s work.
This thesis investigates whether professionals on the global financial markets, such as investment bankers, traders, and analysts, form a global social class.
Over recent decades, rising inequality has reinvigorated interest in issues of class. Despite the experience of world-wide economic crises demonstrating the global reach of the contemporary economy, the research areas of globalisation and class remain surprisingly disengaged from each other. Especially the question of global class formation remains underexplored.
The first part of this thesis examines why the issue of globalisation remains a niche within research on class. Therefore, the theoretical foundations of the dominant approaches to class are investigated, identifying the causes for the implicit “methodological nationalism” of modern mainstream class analysis in the underlying theories of the economy and social action. Vice-versa, an examination of globalisation theory shows that similar obstacles persist in the theoretical reasoning on inequality from a global perspective, precluding a conceptualisation of global class formation. In dialogue with the few existing approaches to conceptualize class on a global level, a framework for the study of global class formation based on Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of social fields is developed.
In part two of the thesis this framework is employed to examine empirically, whether the global field of finance is currently the source for the formation of a global financial class. The field of finance as the most globalised economic sector is a paradigmatic case for studying the formation of a global class. An interview study on the career trajectories of financial professionals from Frankfurt and Sydney uncovers that despite the legacy of national economic specificities on the institutional level, financial actors draw in their social praxis on global forms of social, cultural, and economic capital and have developed a common culture, worldview, praxis, and habitus, delineating the formation of a global financial class.
Neste artigo, que é originalmente um discurso de posse no Instituto Otto Suhr na Universidade Livre de Berlin, Axel Honneth esboça o programa de uma teoria intersubjetiva do reconhecimento, utilizando esta última categoria como o núcleo conceitual de uma Teoria Crítica da sociedade na qual a experiência pré-cientifica de desrespeito às expectativas sociais se conecta à formação de demandas emancipatórias.
"Die Goethe-Universität ist eine weltoffene Werkstatt der Zukunft mitten in Europa. 1914 von BürgerInnen für BürgerInnen gegründet, hat sie seit 2008 als autonome Stiftungsuniversität an diese Tradition wieder angeknüpft. Ihrer wechselvollen Geschichte kritisch verpflichtet, ist sie geleitet von den Ideen der Europäischen Aufklärung, der Demokratie und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und wendet sich gegen Rassismus, Nationalismus und Antisemitismus. Die Goethe-Universität ist ein Ort argumentativer Auseinandersetzung; Forschung und Lehre stehen in gesellschaftlicher Verantwortung."
Dieses Leitbild strahlt an einem Freitagabend im Januar 2018 zwei Stunden lang über einem voll besetzten, unruhigen Hörsaal. Der groß an die Wand projizierte Text richtet sich an das Publikum einer Veranstaltung der "Frankfurter Bürgeruniversität" mit dem Titel "Diskurskultur im Zwielicht – Wie viel Meinungsfreiheit verträgt die Uni?" Die Atmosphäre ist für eine öffentliche Abendveranstaltung ungewöhnlich angespannt: Menschen mit unterschiedlichen politischen Einstellungen sitzen dicht beieinander, ein paar Burschenschaftler mit Schärpe nehmen die Mitte des Saales ein, es gibt Gerüchte, die AfD habe zu der Veranstaltung mobilisiert. ...
Rezension zu: Marcuse, Herbert: Příslib štěstí. Edícia a preklad Martin Profant. Praha: Nakladatelství Epocha 2017, 372 s.
Fünf Jahre, nachdem das »Cornelia-Goethe-Zentrum« die Angela Davis Gastprofessur ins Leben gerufen hat, kam im Sommer 2018 nun zum dritten Mal eine international renommierte Gastprofessorin an die Goethe-Universität. Die Gender-Forscherin und feministische Aktivistin Amina Mama gab intensive Einblicke in ihre Arbeit über »African Feminisms«, die Theorie und Praxis afrikanischer Feminismen.
Das Internet ist ein gigantisches Netzwerk von Maschinen. Während sich dessen konkrete Nutzung permanent weiterentwickelt, bleibt dessen Funktion im Kern doch immer der Austausch von Informationen. Die vielfältigen Institutionen der Internet Governance lassen sich als Versuch verstehen, diesen Austausch zu ermöglichen. Eine zentrale Rolle kommt dabei der Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) zu. Sie verwaltet das globale Adressbuch des Internets und legt so fest, wie weit das Netz des Internets reicht. Die technische Notwendigkeit einer solchen zentralen Instanz wird im Prinzip kaum bestritten. Zunehmend jedoch verschärfen sich die Konflikte darüber, wie weit deren Kompetenzen reichen und wer sie kontrollieren sollte. Letztlich, so möchte ich zeigen, geht es um die Frage, wieviel internationale Autorität in diesem Bereich der Internet Governance notwendig und legitim ist.
Die vorliegende Untersuchung wurde mit dem Ziel durchgeführt, fördernde und hemmende Einflussfaktoren auf die Entstehung und Durchführung von translationaler Forschung näher bestimmen zu können. Dazu wurden im Verlauf der Forschung sechs Gruppen von möglichen Einflussfaktoren untersucht. Diese waren 1) externe politische, 2) institutsbezogene, 3) soziale (auf soziale Rollen und sozialen Status bezogene), 4) epistemische, 5) forschungskulturelle und 6) individuelle Faktoren.
Translationale Forschung wurde als Spezialform interdisziplinärer Forschung konzeptualisiert. Auch bei dieser wird Wissen aus mehr als einer wissenschaftlichen Disziplin herangezogen, um ein disziplinübergreifendes Problem zu lösen. Das Besondere an der translationalen Forschung ist jedoch, dass zusätzlich mindestens eine der beteiligten Disziplinen grundlagenorientiert und eine andere anwendungsorientiert ist. Der Vorteil besteht darin, dass fortan der Wissensbestand beider Disziplinen kombiniert werden kann. Ein Nachteil ergibt sich daraus, dass die Wissensbestände untereinander nicht ohne Weiteres anschlussfähig sind und eine „Übersetzung“ durch die unterschiedlichen Praxisbezüge der beteiligten Disziplinen erschwert wird. Die translationalen Forschung muss neben dieser noch einer weiteren Herausforderung begegnen: Denn sie gewinnt ihre Erkenntnisse unter Laborbedingungen, wo Umweltfaktoren praktisch keine Rolle spielen. Dadurch lassen sich ihre Ergebnisse nicht unbedingt in die klinische Praxis transferieren. Kurz gesagt: Was im Labor eine bestimmte Wirkung erzielt hat, entfaltet diese Wirkung nicht automatisch am Patienten.
Im Rahmen der Dissertation wurden sechs translationale Forschungsprojekte aus Berlin-Buch aus der Zeit zwischen 1959 und 1989 untersucht. Aufgrund der in der DDR etablierten, staatlichen Überführungspolitik konnte insbesondere der Einfluss externen politischen Drucks auf diese Forschungsprojekte untersucht werden. Als Quellen dienten archivierte Akten, graue Literatur, zur damaligen Zeit publizierte Fachliteratur und Interviews mit Forschern, die damals an diesen Projekten beteiligt waren. Da es an soziologischer Literatur spezifisch zu translationaler Forschung bisher mangelt, wurden mehrere Einzelstudien aus der soziologischen und wissenschaftshistorischen Forschung herangezogen. Die Untersuchungsergebnisse erweitern den Forschungsstand zur interdisziplinären Forschung und zu Praxisbezügen von Forschung.
Die untersuchten Fallstudien zeigen exemplarisch, dass es die von der Staatsführung der DDR gewollten anwendungsorientierten medizinischen Forschungsprojekte auch in Berlin-Buch gegeben hat. Entgegen der Erwartung zeigen sie aber auch, dass translationale Forschung nicht speziell gefördert (mit Ressourcen oder einem besonderen Commitment) wurde und es somit oft vom Zufall abhängig war, ob diese (vorzeitig) beendet wurde oder nicht. Darüber hinaus konnten Anhaltspunkte dafür gefunden werden, dass translationale Forschung im Wesentlichen auf epistemischen (fachlichen) Schnittstellen beruht, die von anwendungsorientierten Biomedizinern meist aus persönlichem Interesse aufgegriffen werden, wenn sie als solche erkannt werden und wenn entsprechende Ressourcen zur Forschung zur Verfügung stehen.
Somit konnte widerlegt werden, dass das so genante „Translationsproblem“ darauf zurückzuführen ist, dass Kliniker und Forscher kein Interesse haben, miteinander zu kommunizieren oder zu forschen. Ein Problem stellt lediglich dar, dass epistemische Schnittstellen meist zufällig (oft als Nebenprodukte von disziplinärer Forschung) sichtbar werden und es an kurzfristig verfügbaren Ressourcen fehlen kann, um diesen nachzugehen. Hinzu kommt der erhöhte Aufwand, der sich durch das Einbeziehen von Forschern aus anderen Disziplinen ergibt und das vergleichsweise hohe Risiko, dass medizinische Anwendungen, die auf translationaler Forschung aufbauen, unter komplexen Umweltbedingungen (am Patienten) nicht mehr die gewünschte Wirkung entfalten. Die untersuchten Fallstudien haben jedoch auch gezeigt, dass translationale Infrastrukturen und regelmäßiges Peer Review Forschern dabei helfen können, Ergebnisse translationaler Forschung auf ihre Tauglichkeit in der Klinik zu prüfen. Das Risiko des Scheiterns lässt sich jedoch nicht vollständig ausschließen.
Partiendo de la recurrencia del motivo de la pobreza de la experiencia en el marco de la Teoría crítica y su entorno más afín, nos proponemos tematizar la equivocidad que presenta el mismo mediante la delimitación de sus diferentes sentidos en Adorno, Horkheimer y Benjamin. Ello nos permitirá dejar esbozadas las líneas generales de una problemática que, a nuestro entender, es producto de cierta complementariedad pero a la vez tensión entre dichos sentidos.
Authoritarian regimes and religious institutions in the Muslim majority world see eye-to-eye on the topic of atheism. United by their fear of losing control over their populations and their desire for conformity, consecutive governments have pushed for unfair restrictions on their subjects’ beliefs since their inception. But even in society, non-belief remains a taboo. Should atheists in Muslim majority world become more vocal?
Das Recht nimmt keine zentrale Stellung ein in diesem Band zu "Asian Perspectives on the Paris Peace Conference and the Interwar Order, 1919–33", dies sei gleich zu Beginn dieser Rezension in einer rechtshistorischen Fachzeitschrift angemerkt. Was dieser Band allerdings bietet, sind äußerst vielschichtige und differenzierende Perspektiven auf einen Gegenstand, der in der Rechtsgeschichte bislang nicht nur, aber vor allem auf seine Bedeutung im europäischen Kontext hin erforscht wurde. ...