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Ousmane Semb ne started writing by 1952. The Black Docker, his first novel inspired by the Marseille experience was published in 1956 by Debresse. In 1957, Amiot Dumont published O Pays, mon beau Peuple, a caustic critic of the colonial plight. This second inaugural piece, clearly autobiographical and sentimental is followed up by a vast knowledge of the strike of the Dakar-Niger railway workers: God s Bits of Wood published in 1960 by Livre Contemporain. In 1961, Pr sence Africaine pulished his collection of short stories, Volta que, in 1964 the first volume of l Harmattan which is a replay of the 28th September 1958 referendum in black Africa and in 1966 Vehi-Ciosane followed by The Money Order. To this date with six published novels and a renown Cinematographer, Ousmane Semb ne with the help of his sharp pen and his critical and observant look decides to examine the fate that the new bourgeoisie and the administrative bureaucracy mete on the downtrodden of this ignominious beauty, Dakar, the Capital of an African nation in the wake of independence. Thanks to a money order that Ibrahima Dieng wants to cash, the film maker/writer takes this character through the urban administrative labyrinth, through neighbourly disputes and through family life in the neighbourhood, highlighting and pointing in passing the crossings, abuses, vices and vicissitudes which make up this segment of life, in every aspect, exemplary. The story unfolds with the arrival of a postman carrying a letter and a problematic money order; it ends on the image of the postman handing a letter to Dieng, when a woman carrying a baby on her back comes in and interrupts them to expose the origins of her misfortunes, asking for help.
Through her Letters written to Friends, to her opponents: priests, magistrates, politicians, including the king, Elizabeth Hooton leaves a captivating testimony of her fights for and of her activism in quest of the Truth, Freedom, Justice and equity for all as well as peace on earth and within the Quaker movement. Hers was a fight and quest far from any guided by egoism pure and simple or by personal interest. She was driven by her interest in the common good of all and everywhere. In History of civilizations we have actors who fade away unnoticed or at times are just ignored whereas their contributions to the said civilizations as small as they might be have contributed tremendously in shaping without doubt the same civilizations. Elizabeth Hooton falls within this category of people whose contribution to contemporary English civilization and above all to the feminist movement can be read between the lines of the fragments of these letters; she wrote to her Friends and to the political leaders of England during an era of great changes which radically transformed the English society i.e. 17th Century England. She expresses herself in very caustic terms as a way of affirming the rights to equality of the oppressed woman and other marginals of the society of her time. She anchors her fight on the axis of a universal and Universalist quest for equality, a Quaker ideal.
Bi Tirga
(2011)
Leonard Bi Tirga, son of a poor peasant, is a studious pupil. Due to shortage of finances, he has to leave school to make ends meet and pursue his studies. Leonard becomes a sweatshop labourer. As a young labourer, his life like that of his peers is hard. The pay rate is low and the work is hard. With his friends, they engage in trade union activism. A series of complicated and trying events reinforces their conviction to militate. Thus, Leonard and his friend Camille become Union leaders. Leonard's character trait and uprightness explains the book title, Bi Tirga. In the Moore language, this means a well educated, honest, hardworking, courageous and well-behaved youth.
L'Evad de K... derives from a true story. The story begins with a flash back showing the hero in jail. Cegalo, an adolescent, lives in a difficult family. His father is a kind of headsman unable to educate his son. He strongly believes in the virtue of violence as a means of educating. The son ends up in delinquency. Robbery of tourists, especially white men is his favourite activity. After a hold-up, he is arrested and kept in custody. Unable to control him, the prison authorities decide to send him to the famous Prison of K...This prison is the most secure of the country and nobody has ever escaped from it. In order to survive, many prisoners are condemned to eat all that they can find, even mice. The law in that jungle is 'kill before you are killed'. During a nightmare, his late grandmother appears and orders him to return to his village. It's the beginning of a fantastic and dreadful adventure. He decides to escape from the Prison of K... He succeeds and after covering 300 km on foot, disguised as a mad man to avoid policemen. His aim is quite simple. He wants to return to jail in order to be judged normally, according to the new penal procedure code in force. He kidnaps the Senior Divisional Officer, the Attorney at law and the prison chief and returns to the cell. After the judgement, he is set free. He reconciles with his parents and above all finds Rosy, his childhood love.
The struggle for independence and the unity of African countries was at its peak during the period between 1945 and 1960. These testing times turned out to be the formative years of the young Amady Aly Dieng, and set the stage for an eventful life of commitment and challenges of all sorts for someone who ? along with other young African students, many of whom later became leaders of their respective countries ? integrated the leadership of student organizations in France, honing his militant skills at the forefront of the intellectual and political struggle for independence and the unity of the nascent sovereign nations. Amady Aly Dieng?s memoirs are primarily meant to inspire young Africans toward taking action towards true independence and development. These memoirs reflect the historic evolution of youth militancy in Africa and are to serve as an inspiration to leaders of Africa today and tomorrow.
The advent of formal independence in former French colonies in Black Africa meant the dawn of a new era: the struggle against neocolonialism. African students rallying around this struggle became new strangers and targets for expulsion out of France. The French government of the time resorted, therefore, to massive expulsions against their labour and political organizations. The implementation in 1956 of the Loi-cadre Gaston Defferre ? meant to divide up Black Africa under French dominion ? and the ensuing explosion of the two great AOF and AEF federations along with the cancellation of scholarship federal commissions will considerably weaken the Fédération des étudiants d?Afrique noire en France (FEANF) [African Student Federation in France] in favour of territorial sections. This meant that African governments were to take charge of their own students. In turn, the former used their embassies and scholarship territorial commissions to squelch those student organizations that were hostile to their collaboration with the French authorities. Among the repressive strategies were the cancellation of scholarships and grants to hotels and residences that were reserved for their students (La Maison de la Côte d?Ivoire, du Gabon, de la Haute Volta, du Congo, d?AOF), the creation of pro-government associations such as that of the Senegalese Progressive Union (UPS), the Student Movement for the African and Malagasy Organization (MEOCAM), and the National Union for Students of Côte d?Ivoire (UNECI). This marked the beginning of the decline of the Fédération des étudiants d?Afrique noire en France (FEANF). The worm had entered the fruit of unity with the implementation of the Loi-cadre.
This book on Professor Samir Amin retraces his family origins, intellectual itinerary, political struggles as well as his experience in economic policy formulation in Egypt, Mali and many other countries. The fundamentals which shaped Samir Amin's thinking, directed his life-long work and influenced his action spawned from his early discovery in high school of Marxism and Historical Materialism, used as a scientific analysis of the history of human societies. This book also highlights Samir Amin's invaluable contribution to the struggle against capitalism through his indefatigable fight to deconstruct the concepts that are used to disguise the true face of historical capitalism, which is nothing but an unabashed pursuit for accumulation and dispossession of dominated countries and peoples. Through a series of interviews with Samir Amin, the author unravels the poignant and great ideas which have been at the heart of his intellectual and political fight for the last half century. The author also provides a selection of texts which includes an exhaustive bibliography, with all published writings of Samir Amin in French. This rich work is meant for a large readership - students, researchers, teachers, political leaders and citizens who are interested in the phenomenon of globalisation and its impact on the so-called 'under-developed countries.
An analysis of natural resources in the Central African Republic has shown that the country has a strong national potential and a diversified ecosystem. However, the economy has drastically deteriorated over the years owing to mismanagement. As a result, people's welfare has become increasingly critical, reaching now the level of what can be called 'acute misery'. While studying issues of governance and the stabilisation of the economic system, this book pays a special attention to the analysis of the structural and contextual evolution of the economy of the Central African Republic. The study is a longitudinal assessment of the acts and undertakings spanning from the colonial times through 2003. A consideration of which tool to use to reach a particular economic goal requires, first and foremost, asking the question: 'If the goal is reached, are we capable of stabilizing the system?' This book is written as a guide for political decision making and a rational basis for economic policy making, through its analysis of the possible implications of instruments of target-oriented economic policy, the possible usage of rare resources, the costs of particular decisions, the sacrifice incurred by particular choices, etc. The major concern is about what the economist can bring in to prevent blind decision making: what rules can decision makers put in place to improve living conditions in the community.
Re-thinking African Economies for Development is delivered in the particularly historic context of the fiftieth independence anniversary of most African countries. This moment, therefore, calls for an assessment and suggestions for new alternatives. African countries have been searching for models of development since attaining political independence. Taking cognizance of the fact that African economies are today stuck in an impasse, many innovative ideas are proffered by the contributors to this book for new development strategies. These ideas are essentially hinged upon the successful experience of countries in Asia and Latin America, and the need to reform the State and bring about development. African intellectuals are called upon in this book to rise up to their responsibility for the production of innovative knowledge that can be used by public and private sector decision makers to raise their communities out of poverty. In this publication, issues of industrialization and diversification of African economies are raised again to decry their limited specialization which exacerbates their vulnerability toward crises. This, to a large extent, is at the root of Africas marginal status in global trade. Special attention ought to be given to those thousands of micro-economy stakeholders who are actually the backbone of African economies. Regional integration is more and more seen as an imperative for economic development in the context of Africas small sized countries that often fall prey to a great deal of political instability. The issue of financing of development is re-visited, and new ideas are put forth to better channel foreign direct investment and public revenue towards building a more viable monetary and financial system.