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Much discussion of the comparative correlative construction exemplified by The more I read, the more I understand has been concerned with how much cross–linguistic variation there is in this area. Culicover and Jackendoff (1999) suggest that there is considerable variation, but Den Dikken (2005) suggests with data from a variety of languages that the variation is quite limited. Modern Standard Arabic has a comparative correlative construction which is quite different from Engish and the other languages that Den Dikken considers, suggesting that there is more variation in this domain than he assumes. However, it is not difficult to provide an analysis of the construction and other related constructions within the HPSG framework.
So-called ''Exhaustive Conditionals'' (ECs, also known as ''Unconditionals'') have been an important focus of recent research. We develop an HPSG analysis of governed ECs (e.g. 'no matter how intelligent the students are ...'), sketch an approach to ungoverned ECs (e.g. 'however intelligent the students are...'), and evaluate three possible analyses of reduced ECs (e.g. 'no matter how intelligent the students ...', 'however intelligent the students...').
Based on a non-rigorous formalism called the “cavity method”, physicists have made intriguing predictions on phase transitions in discrete structures. One of the most remarkable ones is that in problems such as random k-SAT or random graph k-coloring, very shortly before the threshold for the existence of solutions there occurs another phase transition called condensation [Krzakala et al., PNAS 2007]. The existence of this phase transition seems to be intimately related to the difficulty of proving precise results on, e. g., the k-colorability threshold as well as to the performance of message passing algorithms. In random graph k-coloring, there is a precise conjecture as to the location of the condensation phase transition in terms of a distributional fixed point problem. In this paper we prove this conjecture, provided that k exceeds a certain constant k0.
We discuss recent applications of the partonic perturbative QCD based cascade model BAMPS with focus on heavy-ion phenomenology in the hard and soft momentum range. First, the elliptic flow and suppression of charm and bottom quarks are studied at LHC energies. Thereafter, we compare in a detailed study the standard Gunion-Bertsch approximation of the matrix elements for inelastic processes to the exact results in leading order perturbative QCD. Since a disagreement is found, we propose an improved Gunion-Bertsch matrix element, which agrees with the exact result in all phase space regions.
I argue for a new type of non-standard constituent in German; a modifier-collocational-cluster. This type of cluster combines (i) a modifier and (ii) a PP from a light-verb construction (or a Funktionsverbgefüge (FVG) as they are known in German) or a bare noun. Such strings are found in German in initial (prefield) position in certain cases of apparent multiple fronting. We are dealing with a syntax-semantics mismatch here since the modifier does not semantically modify the element with which it can first syntactically combine. I show that the modifier is a collocate of both its co-prefield element but also of the verb. I propose a schema which lexically licenses the building of such clusters and I show how we can encode information about what I refer to as collocational selection in the lexical entries of the type of lexemes involved in these multi-word strings. The analysis can be seen as lexical but does not require lexical storage of phrasal elements.
The present study is concerned with the complex ways in which alternating relative complementisers in Coptic are employed as a morphological flagging device for unbounded dependencies in various types of relative clause constructions and wh questions. We shall argue in particular that the alternation in shape is locally conditioned by properties of the complement (TAME) and the antecedent noun (definiteness), which can be modelled via selectional features such as COMPS and MOD, plus the prosodic status of right-adjacent material (phrase vs. clitic). We shall show that all applicable conditions carry over from relatives to wh in-situ, suggesting to model the polyfunctionality of these complementisers in terms a systematic alternation between resumptive SLASH and in-situ QUE dependencies, modelled in terms of a lexical rule.
Furthermore, we shall discuss the status of unbounded dependencies and argue that the pervasiveness of resumption with relatives and ex-situ wh arguments can be attributed to the absence of gap-synsem on ARG-ST . We shall argue that apparent subject "gaps" in relative constructions are of a highly local nature, best to be understood in terms of subcategorisation for a finite VP complement. Finally, we shall show that the ban on argument gaps does not carry over to wh ex-situ adjuncts, providing additional motivation for maintaining a systematic distinction between these two types of extraction.
In a most recent corpus study on Persian, Faghiri & Samvelian (2014) found a significant effect of relative length in the ordering preferences between the direct and indirect objects in the preverbal domain corresponding to "long-before-short". They furthermore showed that the position of the direct object mainly depends on its degree of determination, and put into question the broadly accepted dual view based solely on differential object marking. In this paper, we provide experimental evidence in support of these corpus findings and further propose a unified account of ordering preferences between the two objects on the basis of conceptual accessibility.
We examine noun phrases and predication in Khoekhoe, a Central Khoisan language, arguing that members of all open word classes can function equally and without derivation as predicates, and that predicative use is primary and referential use is derived syntactically by relativization. We then present a formal HPSG analysis, in which members of all open word classes enter the syntax as predicates and in which all argument NPs are derived in a uniform manner as projections of pronominal elements, modified by relative clauses, building on Sag's (1997) analysis of English relative clauses. We will then argue that, additionally, DPs may project directly to clauses, yielding a second predication structure.