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Rezension zu Schwitalla, Johannes (2006): Gesprochenes Deutsch. Eine Einführung. 3., neu bearbeitete Auflage. Erich Schmidt Verlag. Berlin und Fiehler, Reinhard (2005): Gesprochene Sprache. In: Duden. Die Grammatik. Unentbehrlich für richtiges Deutsch. 7., völlig neu bearbeitete und erweiterte Auflage. Dudenverlag. Mannheim, Leipzig, Wien, Zürich. S. 1175-1256.
Die Entwicklung der schwachen Verben ist eine Entwicklung zur Bildung durchschaubarer Tempus- und Modusformen; die Durchschaubarkeit war und ist durch das Verfahren der Agglutination gewährleistet. Im Deutschen geht also der Weg von der Flexion zur Agglutination, wobei lautliche Wandelvorgänge immer wieder zu Mischformen und Synkretismen führen.
Der Artikel soll am Beispiel der Autorin Marlene Streeruwitz untersuchen, ob ihre Werke als spezifisch österreichische Literatur nach linguistischen Kriterien zu identifizieren sind. Dabei soll aufgezeigt werden, dass alle sprachlichen Ebenen österreichische Varianten der nationalen Varietäten des Deutschen aufweisen.
In der Gegenwartssprache wächst die Neigung, Sätze mit scheinbar einfacher Grundform und einer Fülle von nominalen Gliedern zu bilden, mögliche Prädikationen werden durch substantivisch-adjektivische Gruppen repräsentiert. […] Die Komprimierung des Sachverhaltes und dessen syntaktische Darstellung im Text können wir als Informationsverdichtung bezeichnen. […] Die Verdichtung der Informationen macht sich am deutlichsten durch die Reduktion komplexer hypotaktischer Satzkonstruktionen bemerkbar […], wobei im Nominalstil die Parataxe anstelle der Hypotaxe überwiegt.
Zum Schwerpunkt dieses Beitrags wird erstens das Wesen der "sakralen Interjektionen" und ihre Beziehung zum übersetzungstheoretischen Bereich, zweitens die Anwesenheit dieser in repräsentativsten deutsch und tschechisch geschriebenen Wörterbüchern behandelt. Da die Beziehung der drei Größen Usus, Norm und Kodifizierung immer im Einklang stehen muss, wird die Untersuchung durch konkrete Analyse der unter ausgewählten tschechischen Studenten verteilten Fragebögen ergänzt.
Da die kontrastierenden Analysen zum Deutschen und zum Tschechischen, die auf einem zusammengestellten Korpus basieren, unter der vergleichenden phraseologischen Sprachforschung recht selten vertreten sind, wurde zum Objekt meiner Untersuchung die weibliche und männliche Rolle in den tschechischen und deutschen Redewendungen. […] Die Phraseologismen wurden unter diesem Aspekt bisher noch nicht verglichen und es ist höchst interessant an diesen festen Wendungen, die sich auf das praktische Leben beziehen, zu zeigen, wie sich die männliche und weibliche Rolle voneinander unterscheiden und hauptsächlich, wie diese Rollen in Tschechien und Deutschland differieren.
In der Zeitschrift Studia Germanistica werden Forschungsergebnisse zu aktuellen Themen auf dem Gebiet der germanistischen Linguistik, Literaturwissenschaft und DaF-Didaktik publiziert, die den Stand der Forschung in Tschechien sowie im Ausland dokumentieren. Bestandteile der Zeitschrift sind kulturwissenschaftliche Studien und Rezensionen.
Der zweite Band der "Studia germanistica" setzt die schon im ersten Band deklarierte Ausrichtung dieser Reihe fort: Sie soll nicht nur die Forschungstätigkeit des Lehrstuhls für Germanistik an der Universität Ostrava dokumentieren, sondern auch das Bild von seiner Zusammenarbeit mit einheimischen germanistischen Instituten sowie von seinen vielseitigen internationalen Beziehungen geben.
Rezension zu Gabriele von Glasenapp, Hans Otto Horch: Ghettoliteratur. Eine Dokumentation zur deutsch-jüdischen Literaturgeschichte des 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts. Teil I: Rezeptionsdokumente (1), Rezeptionsdokumente (2), Teil II: Autoren und Werke der Ghettoliteratur. Conditio Judaica 53-55. Studien und Quellen zur deutsch-jüdischen Literatur- und Kulturgeschichte. Hg. von Hans Otto Horch in Verbindung mit Alfred Bodenheimer, Mark H. Gelber und Jakob Hessing. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 2005, XV, 1162 Seiten.
It is the aim of this paper to evaluate the various types of sentential complementation available in terms of complement control cross-linguistically. I will propose a lexical classification of control classes on the basis of the instantiated subordination patterns. I want to focus on an important distinction, namely that of structural vs. inherent control. Structural control is found with predicates that select a clausal complement whose structure requires argument identification and thus 'induces' control. Infinitival complements are prototypical cases for this kind of control because in most languages infinitival complements can only 'survive' in structures of control or raising. The interesting question is which predicates license structural control and which cross-linguistic differences emerge between potential licensors. Inherent control is found with predicates that require control readings independent of the instantiated structure of sentential complementation (e.g. a directive predicate such as zwingen 'force'). In addition, I will recapitulate and add arguments for the dual lexical-syntactic nature of complement control.
This questionnaire focuses on control structures that are instantiated by predicates that take a state of affairs (SOA) argument. Noonan (1985) has called these predicates 'complement-taking predicates'; I will use the notion of SOAAtaking predicates (SOAA = state of affairs argument).
Prototypically, complement control is instantiated by certain classes of verbs; however, adjectives (be eager to) and nouns (e.g. nominalizations such as promise) may function as control predicates as well. 'Control' refers to the pattern of argument identification between an argument of the SOAA-taking predicate and an argument of the SOAA-head. In the literature the notion of 'equi deletion' or 'equi-NP deletion' has been used (following Rosenbaum 1967), which refers to structures in which an overt argument of the matrix predicate is identified with a covert argument of the embedded predicate. This questionnaire aims at a cross-linguistic application of the notion of control and thus uses a semantic definition of complement control. It extends the notion of control to other patterns of referential dependency between arguments of a SOAA-taking predicate and of the embedded predicate.
In anaphora resolution theory, it has been assumed that anaphora resolution is based on a reversed mapping of antecedent salience and anaphora complexity: minimal complex anaphora refer to maximal salient antecedents. In order to ex-amine whether and by which developmental steps German children gain command of this mapping maxim we conducted an experiment on production and comprehension of intersentential pronouns including the three pronoun types zero, personal, and demonstrative pronoun. With respect to antecedent salience, the experiment varied syntactic role (subject/object) and in/animacy. Six age groups of children (age range from 2;0 to 6;0) and an adult control group has been tested. The hypothesis arising from the mapping maxim is that zero pronoun correlates with more salient antecedents than personal and demonstrative pronoun, the latter correlating with the least salient antecedents. The results are: In production, children first establish the opposition of zero pronoun with animate antecedents vs. demonstrative pronoun with inanimate antecedents. In a next step, syntactic role comes into play and a more complex system opposing the three presented pronoun types is established. In comprehension, however, the effect of pronoun type re-mains weak and antecedent features remain a strong factor in reference choice. However, also adults employ pronoun type and antecedent features. The oldest children and the adults show variation in personal pronoun resolution according to the animacy pattern of the potential antecedents. In case of identical animacy features, the subject is the preferred candidate; in case of distinct animacy features, there is a tendency to choose the object antecedent.
This paper presents psycholinguistic evidence on the factors governing the resolution of German personal pronouns. To determine the relative influence of linear order versus grammatical function of potential antecedents, two interpretation-preference tasks were designed. Their specific aim was to disentangle salience factors conflated in previous research on pronoun interpretation, such as linear or-der, first mention and topicalization. Experiment 1 tested pronoun resolution to non-sentence-initial position (scrambling) and Experiment 2 tested pronoun resolution to sentence-initial position (topicalization). The results across different verb types and across different syntactic contexts in Experiments 1 and 2 show that grammatical function, yet neither linear order, first mention nor topicalization predicts pronoun resolution in German.
This paper discusses results from a corpus study of German demonstrative and personal pronouns and from a reading time experiment in which we compared the interpretation options of the two types of pronouns (Bosch et al. 2003, 2007). A careful review of exceptions to a generalisation we had been suggesting in those papers (the Subject Hypothesis: "Personal pronouns prefer subject antecedents and demonstratives prefer non-subject antecedents") shows that, although this generalisation correctly describes a tendency in the data, it is quite wrong in claiming that the grammatical role of antecedents is the relevant parameter. In the current paper we argue that the generalisation should be formulated in terms of in-formation-structural properties of referents rather than in terms of the grammatical role of antecedent expressions.
In what follows, I first briefly review Perlmutter (1968, 1970), in which it is argued that aspectual verbs are ambiguous between control and raising. I suggest that while the argument for the raising analysis is solid, the arguments supporting the control analysis of aspectual verbs are less so. As an alternative hypothesis to consider, I introduce the structural ambiguity hypothesis. In Section 3, I review three recent analyses of control and raising. Although there are important differences among them, they all share the basic assumption that the control/raising distinction is due to differences in selectional restrictions that the lexical items impose. Under such an assumption, the lexical ambiguity hypothesis is the only available option. In Section 4, I present evidence for the structural ambiguity hypothesis from studies concerning aspectual verbs in languages from four distinct families, German (Wurmbrand 2001), Japanese (Fukuda 2006), Romance languages (Cinque 2003), and Basque (Arregi Molina-Azaola 2004). These data strongly suggest that across languages aspectual verbs can appear in two different syntactic positions, either below or above vP, or the projection with which an external argument is introduced (Kratzer 1994, 1996, Chomsky 1995). Given these findings, I argue that it is the aspectual verbs' position with respect to vP which creates the control/raising ambiguity. When an aspectual verb appears in a position that is lower than vP, an external argument takes scope over the aspectual verb. Thus, it is interpreted as control. When an aspectual verb appears in a position that is higher than vP, on the other hand, it is the aspectual verb that takes scope over an entire vP, including the external argument. Thus, it is interpreted as raising. In section 5, I extend the scope of this study to include a discussion of want-type verbs in Indonesian, as analyzed in Polinsky & Potsdam (2006). Polinsky & Potsdam argue that the Indonesian want-type verbs must be raising in at least certain cases where they allow a rather peculiar interpretation. Although they assume that there are also control counterparts of the want-type verbs, I argue that applying the proposed analysis to the want-type verbs does away with the need for stipulating two distinct lexical entries for these verbs. Section 6 concludes the paper.
It is well known that English children between the age of 4 and 6 display a so-called Delay of Principle B Effect (DPBE) in that they allow pronouns to refer to a local c-commanding antecedent. Their guessing pattern with pronouns contrasts with their adult-like interpretation of reflexives. The DPBE has been explained as resulting from a lack of pragmatic knowledge or insufficient cognitive resources. However, such extra-grammatical accounts cannot explain why the DPBE only shows up in particular languages and in particular syntactic environments. Moreover, such accounts fail to explain why the DPBE only emerges in comprehension and not in production. This paper hypothesizes that the presence or absence of the DPBE can be explained from the properties of the grammar. Fischer's (2004) optimality-theoretic analysis of binding, explaining cross-linguistic variation, and Hendriks and Spenader's (2005/6) optimality-theoretic account of the acquisition of pronouns and reflexives are combined into a single model. This model yields testable predictions with respect to the presence or absence of the DPBE in particular languages, in particular syntactic environments, and in comprehension and/or production.
This paper deals with the development of discourse competence in German-, Russian- and Bulgarian-speaking children. In particular, it examines the use of anaphoric pronominal reference in elicited narrations of children between the ages of 2;6 and 6;0. As the pronominal (and nominal) systems of target German, Russian and Bulgarian differ in the repertoire and functions of anaphoric elements we will examine which kind of noun phrases children use to make reference to story participants. In a second step of the analysis, we will investigate how pronominal expressions relate to antecedents. In this respect the pronominal form of the anaphor, the syntactic function of the antecedent and the distance between antecedent and anaphor will be analyzed. The findings will be discussed with regard to predictions made by proposals such as the Complementary Hypothesis (Bosch, Rozario, and Zhao 2003) which assumes an asymmetry between the use of personal pro-nouns and demonstrative pronouns when referring back to subject or object antecedents.
Rezension zu Sprechen Sie Gegenwart? - Lexikon des frühen 21. Jahrhunderts. Süddeutsche Zeitung Magazin. Andreas Bernard, Jan Heidtmann, Dominik Wichmann (Hrsg.). Editora Goldmann. 1ª. ed. Nov. 2006. 304 S.
O presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar uma amostra de pesquisas com a língua alemã nos trabalhos de grau da pós-graduação (nível de mestrado) envolvendo a tradução. Seguindo uma tradição que, na Universidade de São Paulo, remonta aos anos de 1960, tais trabalhos têm por objetivo apresentar a tradução de textos inéditos, acompanhados de notas e comentários, e – ao contrário dos trabalhos realizados àquela época – são ancorados numa perspectiva teórica dos Estudos da Tradução (Translation Studies na nomenclatura internacional). A partir de três relatos de pesquisas em andamento, procura-se revelar os bastidores do trabalho com os textos, bem como a fase de análise do texto a ser traduzido, que é pautada e aprofundada por leituras teóricas e realizada paralela e concomitantemente à fase de tradução propriamente dita. Esta última, empreendida em várias etapas, enfoca a cada vez uma dificuldade específica dos diferentes níveis da análise lingüística – e, dependendo do caso, também literária – e sugere a redação de notas, comentários e diferentes tentativas de reescritura. Ao final do processo, as notas e comentários são selecionados e relacionados com a perspectiva teórica, para que só então se processe a redação final da Dissertação, cuja diretriz é construída numa direção que vai da prática de traduzir para a reflexão.