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In der vorliegenden Arbeit wurde in einer Fall-Kontroll-Studie mit 295 Fällen und 327 Kontrollen das Gonarthroserisiko beim Heben und Tragen schwerer Lasten im Beruf untersucht. Dabei ergab sich eine statistisch signifikante Risikoerhöhung durch das kumulative Heben und Tragen schwerer Lasten. Ebenso ergab sich eine statistisch signifikante Risikoerhöhung durch die kumulative Dauer von Tätigkeiten im Knien/Hocken oder Fersensitz in Kombination mit dem kumulativen Heben und Tragen schwerer Lasten. Eine Dosis-Wirkungs-Beziehung war nachzuweisen, was für eine kausale Verknüpfung der Ereignisse spricht. Die Ergebnisse dieser Arbeit verweisen darauf, dass erhöhte BMI-Werte mit einem erhöhten Gonarthroserisiko assoziiert sind. Die Daten wurden deshalb für den BMI adjustiert. Bestimmte sportliche Tätigkeiten gehen mit einem erhöhten Verschleiss der Kniegelenke einher. Die Ergebnisse gaben diskrete Hinweise darauf, dass das Joggen oder die Leichtathletik den Kniegelenksverschleiss begünstigen. Deshalb wurden die Daten hinsichtlich dieser Ergebnisse adjustiert, und diese sportlichen Belastungen wurden als Störvariablen, confounder, behandelt. In der vorliegenden Arbeit konnte jedoch ein doppeltes Gonarthroserisiko bereits ab einem kumulativen Heben und Tragen von schweren Lasten im gesamten Berufsleben von über 5120kg*h aufgezeigt werden. Bei der Kombination von der kumulativen Dauer von Tätigkeiten im Knien/Hocken oder Fersensitz zwischen 4757 - <10800 Stunden oder dem kumulativen Heben und Tragen von schweren Lasten zwischen 5120 - <37000 kg*h konnte ein mehr als doppeltes Gonarthroserisiko dargestellt werden. Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert die Evidenz für die Annahme eines erhöhten Gonarthroserisikos beim Heben und Tragen schwerer Lasten.
If we want to develop a semantic analysis for explicit performatives such as I promise you to free Willy, we are faced with the following puzzle: In order to account for the speech act expressed by the performative verb, one can assume that the so-called performative clause is purely performative and provides the illocutionary force of the speech act whose content is given by the semantic object denoted by the complement clause. Yet under this perspective, the performative clause that is, next to the performative verb, the indexicals I and you that refer to the speaker and to the addressee of the utterance context is semantically invisible and does not contribute compositionally its meaning to the meaning of the entire explicit performative sentence. Conversely, if we account for the truth conditional contribution of the performative clause and deny that the meaning of the performative verb is purely performative, then we have to find a way to account for the speech act expressed by the performative verb. Of course, there is already the widely accepted and very appealing indirectness account for explicit performative utterances developed by Bach & Harnish (1979). Roughly, Bach and Harnish solve this puzzle in deriving the performativity by means of a pragmatic inference process. According to them, the important speech act performed by means of the utterance of the explicit performative sentence is a kind of the conventionalized indirect speech act. However, the boundary between semantics and pragmatics can be drawn in many various ways. Therefore, I think there could be other perspectives regarding the interface between the truth-functional treatment of the declarative explicit performative sentences and the speech acts performed with their utterances and which are expressed by the performative verbs. Hence, this thesis consists in the experiment to develop a further analysis and to check out its consequences with respect to the semantics and pragmatics of explicit performative utterances and the new interface emerged. Briefly, the experiment runs as follows: First, I develop an analysis for explicit performative sentences framed by parenthetical structures such as in (1)(a). In a second step, this parenthetical analysis is applied to the proper Austinian explicit performative sentences in (1)(b). (1) a. Tomorrow, I promise you this, I will teach them Tyrolean songs. b. I promise you that I will teach them Tyrolean songs. To analyze at first explicit performatives framed by parenthetical structures bears the convenience that we are faced with two utterances of two main clauses. In (1)(a) there is the utterance of the host sentence Tomorrow I will teach them Tyrolean songs, and the utterance of the explicit parenthetical I promise you this, where the demonstrative this refers to the utterance of Tomorrow I will teach them Tyrolean songs. Since speakers perform speech acts with utterances of main clauses, I assume that the meaning of the explicit parenthetical I promise you this specifies that the actual illocutionary force of the utterance of Tomorrow I will teach them Tyrolean songs is the illocutionary force of a promise. Hence, instead of deriving an indirect illocutionary force by means of a pragmatic inference schema, we can deal with an ordinary direct speech act that is performed with the utterance of the host sentence. This kind of analysis stresses the particular discourse function of explicit performative utterances. Performative verbs are used whenever the contextual information is not sufficient to determine the illocutionary force of the corresponding implicit speech act. The resulting consequences of the parenthetical analysis are interesting since they cast a different light on performative verbs. Surprisingly, the performative verbs are not performative at all. They do not constitute the execution of a speech act, but are execution supporting. Instead of constituting the particular illocutionary force, they merely specify the illocutionary force of the utterance of the host sentence. For instance, the speaker utters the explicit parenthetical I promise you this for specifying what he is simultaneously doing. Hence the speaker does not succeed in performing the promise simply because he is uttering I promise you this. Rather, by means of the information conveyed by the utterance of I promise you this, the potential illocutionary forces of the utterance of the host sentence are disambiguated. Thus, it is not the case that explicit parentheticals are trivially true when uttered. Their function is more complex. Their self-verifying property (‘saying so makes it so’) is explained by means of disambiguation. Furthermore, according to the parenthetical analysis, instead of being purely performative, the performative verbs contribute compositionally their meanings to the truth conditions of the entire explicit performative sentence. Together with its consequences, this analysis is applied to the proper Austinian performatives, which display subordination. I assume that regardless of their structure, explicit performatives always semantically and pragmatically behave as the parenthetical analysis predicts.